On 5 September 2021, violent demonstrations
broke out in Montenegro as the country enthroned the new head of its church.
Coming against a backdrop of deep national divisions,
and allegations of political interference by neighbouring Serbia,
the clashes raise serious questions about religion and statehood in the Balkans.
Hello and welcome. If you're new to the channel, my name is James Ker-Lindsay and here I take an
informed look at international relations conflicts and the origins of countries.
What makes a people a nation?
In truth, it's shaped by a wide range of factors.
Language is obviously one element. Culture is another.
So too is a sense of shared history.
However, religion can also be an important part of how peoples and countries define themselves.
This is particularly the case in many predominantly Christian Orthodox countries.
Against a backdrop of centuries of foreign occupation, the church
often came to be intrinsically linked to the sense of nationhood.
However, in some cases the situation has evolved.
An institution that was once a unifying factor for a nation
can become hugely divisive as separate states emerge.
This was highlighted in early September 2021 when violent clashes erupted in
Montenegro as the country formally welcomed the new head of its church.
Montenegro lies in the Western Balkans, a part of Southeast Europe.
To its north, it's bordered by Bosnia and Croatia.
To its south is Albania.
To its east, it has a border with Kosovo and Serbia.
At 13,800 square kilometers, or
5,300 square miles, it's the 156th largest of the 193 members of the United Nations.
The population currently stands at around 630,000, putting it in 168th place.
And it's here that the problems emerge.
According to the most recent data from the 2011 census, while just under half the people
identified as ethnically Montenegrin, almost 30 percent identified as Serbian.
Our story starts in 1219 when the Ecumenical Patriarch - the titular head of the Eastern
Orthodox Church, based in Constantinople - granted the Serbian Orthodox Church
self-governing status - or autocephaly as it's officially known.
In turn, the Church's founder, Saint Sava, created nine bishoprics.
One of these was in Zeta in southern Montenegro.
Today called Montenegro and the Littoral, it's one of 24 dioceses of the Serbian
Orthodox Church - and just one of four that's led by a metropolitan, or a senior bishop.
In 1389, Serbia was conquered by the Muslim Ottoman Empire.
In line with its policy elsewhere in the Balkans,
the Ottomans allowed the Serbian Church to continue,
becoming a central point of contact between the Empire and its largely Christian subjects.
As a result, in the centuries that followed, the Church would become central to the perpetuation
of a broader sense of Serbian national identity.
However, in Montenegro the situation would be a little different.
Given its highly mountainous terrain, large parts held out against direct Ottoman rule.
Instead, it developed a highly unusual theocratic system under a Serbian
Orthodox prince-bishop who combined the roles of secular and spiritual leader.
This would last until the middle of the 19th century, when the roles were divided.
However, although always considered to be part of the Serbian Church,
the Church in Montenegro wouldn't return to be fully administratively
reunited with the Serbian Orthodox Church until 1920.
I won't go into a lot of detail about Montenegro's historical
development as I've already covered it in another video.
However, by way of summary, in 1878 the Principality of Montenegro formally gained
its independence, becoming the Kingdom of Montenegro in 1910.
Following the end of the First World War, the King was deposed
and it united with neighbouring Serbia - a move that was widely supported.
Just days later, Serbia, including Montenegro, would become a part of the Kingdom of Serbs,
Croats and Slovenes - renamed the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, in 1929.
Then, after the Second World War,
Montenegro became one of the six republics of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
Crucially, throughout history Montenegro
and Serbia have maintained particularly close relations.
Indeed, even within Yugoslavia the relationship between the two
was far closer than between any two other republics.
This was reflected at both a personal and political level.
Just as many Montenegrins continued to see themselves as Serbian,
many Serbs, including prominent political leaders, had Montenegrin ancestry.
Even as Yugoslavia disintegrated and spiralled into conflict, Serbia and Montenegro remained
united - with Montenegrins fighting alongside Serbs in the wars of the 1990s.
However, by the turn of the millennium,
the Montenegrin leadership, under Milo Djukanovic, a former close ally of the Serbian leader,
Slobodan Milosevic, had distanced himself from the Serbian regime in Belgrade
and was increasingly pressing to follow the other former republics and gain independence.
Despite EU-led efforts to keep Serbia and Montenegro together in a loose confederation,
in May 2006 Montenegrin voters narrowly decided to break away in an independence referendum.
On 28 June 2006, Montenegro became the 192nd member of the United Nations.
Following independence,
deep divisions emerged within Montenegro, and between Montenegro and Serbia.
While a large proportion of the country had voted against independence
and still identified as Serbian, the Montenegrin government
increasingly sought to differentiate the country from neighbouring Serbia.
In line with decisions taken elsewhere in former Yugoslavia - where the language once
known as Serbo-Croat became Bosnian, Croatian and Serbian - it announced
that the country's official language would now be known as Montenegrin.
Additionally, and in contrast to Serbia, which officially uses the Cyrillic script,
it opted to also use the latin script - even introducing a couple of new letters
to differentiate it still further from Serbian.
All this led to tensions.
Those who identified as Serbian, roughly a quarter of the population,
accused the government of neglecting their identity.
Meanwhile, the government accused them of trying to
subvert a state that they hadn't actually wanted.
At the same time, deep political differences also arose with Serbia.
One particularly serious issue was Montenegro's decision to recognise Kosovo's independence,
despite strong Serbian objections.
Tensions also arose over Montenegro's membership of NATO - a move that upset
many Serbs given the organisation's bombing of Serbia in 1999 during the Kosovo war.
Meanwhile, the Montenegrin government also accused Serbia of trying to interfere in
its internal affairs, arguing that the Serbian government had never really come to terms with
Montenegro's decision to break away and forge its own distinct identity and foreign policy.
But despite their growing cultural and political differences,
religion remained the one area where the two countries remained interlinked.
Notwithstanding its efforts to differentiate itself from Serbian language, Montenegro
remained firmly under the ecclesiastical authority of the Serbian Orthodox Church.
To many in Montenegro this became increasingly unacceptable.
Not only was it seen as incompatible with its status as an independent country,
many Montenegrins, including key figures in the government,
argued that the links between the Serbian government and the Serbian Orthodox Church
meant that the Church was a powerful way for Belgrade to continue to exert influence over
Montenegro - especially the large part of the population that still identified as Serbian.
Against this backdrop, calls began to grow for the church in Montenegro to be allowed to separate
and become self-governing in the same way as the Orthodox Churches in Greece, Albania and Cyprus.
More recently, Montenegro points to the 2019 decision by the Ecumenical Patriarch
to recognise the Orthodox Church in Ukraine after it broke away from the
Russian Orthodox Church following the conflicts in eastern Ukraine.
However, in the face of strong opposition from the Serbian Church, the Patriarch has seemingly
insisted that he won't authorise the creation of a separate independent Montenegrin Orthodox Church.
Matters have also been complicated by the fact that the Montenegrin government
has seemingly acknowledged a separate breakaway Montenegrin Orthodox Church.
So, what caused the most recent clashes?
In part, it's down to several specific political developments in Montenegro.
In 2019, the country's then government passed a law requiring all religious
bodies to prove ownership of their property prior to 1918.
Seen as part of its efforts to reduce the power
of the Serbian Church and pave the way for seizure of its assets, this led to
violent demonstrations in the country and even fights between pro- and anti-Serbian lawmakers.
It's also tied to bigger political changes that have occurred since then.
For over 30 years, the country has been dominated by one man,
Milo Djukanovic, and his party, the Democratic Party of Socialists.
Having led the drive for independence, Djukanovic still serves as the country's president.
However, in August 2020, the DPS was ousted by a collection of parties,
including several pro-Serbian parties, following a general election.
This naturally shifted the political dynamics of the country.
But the most proximate cause was the death of the country's long-standing metropolitan,
Amfilohije, in October 2020.
On 29 May 2021, the bishops council of the Serbian Orthodox Church met in Belgrade,
the Serbian capital, and elected a new metropolitan, Joanikije II.
As per tradition, it was announced that he'd be enthroned in the old capital of Montenegro,
Cetinje - the seat of the Church in the country.
However, this was opposed by Montenegrin nationalist groups,
which saw the move as a direct challenge to the country's independence.
Crucially, President Djukanovic, along with MPs from the DPS
also voiced their opposition to the move and announced their intention to join the protests.
On 5 September, the new metropolitan flew into Cetinje under tight security
and was crowned in the service attended by the Patriarch of the Serbian Orthodox Church
and broadcast on national television.
However, elsewhere in the town, the demonstrations turned violent.
As police and protesters clashed, the pro-Serbian prime minister and the president exchanged barbs,
with each accusing the other of having provoked the violence.
The dispute over the enthronement of the new head of the church in Montenegro,
while seemingly an obscure Balkan dispute, raises some important
issues about independence, religion and national identity.
For many of those who identify as Montenegrin, the fact that the national church remains a part of
the Serbian Orthodox Church is seen as a challenge to both their cultural and political independence.
While Montenegro may have regained full sovereignty, it's not truly free from Serbia.
Moreover, they'd argue that it provides a way for Serbia,
through its perceived influence over the Serbian Orthodox Church,
to continue to exert influence over Montenegro - directly and indirectly.
As an independent state, or so the reasoning runs, it should have its own independent church.
In contrast, those who identify as Serbian argue the issue is being used by Montenegrin
hardliners to promote a divisive agenda for their own nationalist political goals.
The attempt to create a wholly independent Montenegrin Orthodox Church is an attempt to
break the final links between peoples whom many in Serbia and Montenegro
continue to regard as a single nation - even if now living in two states.
Moreover, from a historical point of view,
Montenegro has been a part of the Serbian orthodox church for over 800 years.
While they may now be two separate countries,
there's no reason why they can't remain a part of the same church.
To this extent, while Montenegro may have achieved its independence from Serbia in 2006,
it remains highly divided.
While steps have been taken to reinforce a separate Montenegrin national identity,
religion remains an extremely sensitive issue.
For many in Montenegro who identify as Montenegrin, the lack of a separate Montenegrin
church is seen as an important cultural impediment to their political independence.
In contrast, for many Serbs in Montenegro,
the effort to establish a separate church represents a political initiative
aimed at severing deep-rooted historical and cultural ties that go back centuries.
I hope you found that interesting. If so, here are some more videos that you might find useful.
Thanks so much for watching and see you in the next video.