>> VOICE 1: The following recording is a re-enactment of Sir Edward Grey's address to Parliament
on the eve of war, August 3rd 1914. This is an edited version of the speech. A full transcript
is available online at www.parliament.uk/education
>> SIR EDWARD GREY: Last week I stated that we were working for peace not only for this
country, but to preserve the peace of Europe. Today events move so rapidly that it is exceedingly
difficult to state with technical accuracy the actual state of affairs, but it is clear
that the peace of Europe cannot be preserved. Russia and Germany, at any rate, have declared
war upon each other.
First of all, let me say, very shortly, that we have consistently worked with a single
mind, with all the earnestness in our power, to preserve peace. The House may be satisfied
on that point.
I would like the House to approach this crisis in which we are now from the point of view
of British interests, British honour, and British obligations, free from all passion
as to why peace has not yet been preserved....
The situation in the present crisis... has originated in a dispute between Austria and
Serbia. France are involved in it because of their obligation of honour under a definite
alliance with Russia.
That that obligation of honour cannot apply in the same way to us. We are not parties
to the Franco-Russian alliance. For many years we have had a long-standing friendship with
France
The French fleet is now in the Mediterranean, and the northern and western coasts of France
are absolutely undefended.
My own feeling is that if a foreign fleet came down the English Channel and bombarded
and battered the undefended coasts of France, we could not stand aside... and see this going
on practically within sight of our eyes, with our arms folded, looking on dispassionately,
doing nothing.
I believe that would be the feeling of this country.
Let us assume that to-day we stand aside in an attitude of neutrality. Let us suppose
the French fleet is withdrawn from the Mediterranean; and let us assume that out of that come consequences
war; We might have exposed this country from our negative attitude at the present moment
to the most appalling risk.
Things move very hurriedly from hour to hour, and I understand that the German Government
would be prepared, if we would pledge ourselves to neutrality, to agree that its fleet would
not attack the northern coast of France. I have only heard that shortly before I came
to the House, but it is far too narrow an engagement for us. And, Sir, there is the
more serious consideration -- becoming more serious every hour -- there is the question
of the neutrality of Belgium....
I telegraphed to both Paris and Berlin to say that it was essential for us to know whether
the French and German Governments were prepared to undertake an engagement to respect the
neutrality of Belgium.
I telegraphed at the same time to Brussels to the Belgian Government, and I got the following
It now appears from the news I have received to-day that an ultimatum has been given to
Belgium by Germany, the object of which was to offer Belgium friendly relations with Germany
on condition that she would facilitate the passage of German troops through Belgium.
[Ironical laughter]
If it be the case that there has been anything in the nature of an ultimatum to Belgium,
asking her to compromise her neutrality, her independence is gone.
If her independence goes, the independence of Holland will follow. I ask the House from
the point of view of British interests to consider what may be at stake. If France is
beaten in a struggle of life and death, beaten to her knees, loses her position as a great
power, becomes subordinate to the will and power of one greater than herself....
If that were to happen and if Belgium fell under the same dominating influence, and then
Holland, and then Denmark, then would not Mr. Gladstone's words come true, that just
opposite to us there would be a common interest against the unmeasured aggrandisement of any
power?
It may be said, I suppose, that we might stand aside, husband our strength, and that, whatever
happened in the course of this war, at the end of it intervene with effect to put things
right, and to adjust them to our own point of view. If, in a crisis like this, we run
away ...From those obligations of honour and interest as regards the Belgian treaty, I
doubt whether, whatever material force we might have at the end, it would be of very
much value in face of the respect that we should have lost.
We are going to suffer, I am afraid, terribly in this war, whether we are in it or whether
we stand aside.
The Belgian treaty obligations, the possible position in the Mediterranean, with damage
to British interests, and what may happen to France from our failure to support France
-- if we were to say that all those things matter nothing, were as nothing, and to say
we would stand aside, we should, I believe, sacrifice our respect and good name and reputation
before the world, and should not escape the most serious and grave economic consequences.
[Cheers]
The most awful responsibility is resting upon the Government in deciding what to advise
the House of Commons to do.
We worked for peace up to the last moment, and beyond the last moment. How hard, how
persistently, and how earnestly we strove for peace last week. But that is over, as
far as the peace of Europe is concerned. We are now face to face with a situation and
all the consequences which it may yet have to unfold.
I have now put the vital facts before the House, and if, as seems not improbable, we
are forced, and rapidly forced, to take our stand upon those issues, then I believe, when
the country realises what is at stake, what the real issues are, the magnitude of the
impending dangers in the west of Europe, which I have endeavoured to describe to the House,
we shall be supported throughout, not only by the House of Commons, but by the determination,
the resolution, the courage, and the endurance of the whole country.