the federalist papers are a collection of 85 articles in essays published in 1787-1788 by
alexander hamilton james madison and john jay under the collective pseudonym publius
first referred to as simply the federalist the work promoted the ratification of
the then new united states constitution as a collective dissertation on republican government
the federalist papers are distinguished for their comprehensive analysis of the means by
which the ideals of justice the general welfare and the rights of individuals could be realized
the federalist papers remain an important collection today because they offer insight
into the intentions of key individuals who debated the elements of one of the most
important documents in history the american constitution number one general introduction
the independent journal by alexander hamilton to the people of the state of new york
after an unequivocal experience of the inefficacy of a subsisting federal government you're called
upon to deliberate on a new constitution for the united states of america the subject speaks its
own importance comprehending in its consequences nothing less than the existence of the union
the safety and welfare of the parts of which it is composed the fate of an empire in many
respects the most interesting in the world it has been frequently remarked that it seems to have
been reserved to the people of this country by their conduct and example to decide the important
question whether societies of men are really capable or not of establishing good government
from reflection and choice or whether they are forever destined to depend for their political
constitutions on accident and force if there be any truth in the remark the crisis at which we
are arrived may with propriety be regarded as the year in which the decision is to be made
and a wrong election of the part we shall act may in this view deserve to be considered as
the general misfortune of mankind this idea will add the inducements of philanthropy to those of
patriotism to heighten the solicitude which all consider it and good men must feel for the event
happy will it be if our choice should be directed by a judicious estimate of our true interest
on perplexed and unbiased by considerations not connected with the public good but this is a
thing more hardly to be wished than seriously to be expected the plan offered to our deliberations
affects too many particular interests innovates upon too many local institutions not to involve
in its discussion a variety of objects foreign to its merits and abuse passions and prejudices
little favorable to the discovery of truth among the most formidable of the obstacles which the new
constitution will have to encounter may readily be distinguish the obvious interest of a certain
class of men in every state to resist all changes which may hazard a diminution of the power a
monument and consequence of the offices they hold under the state establishments and the perverted
ambition of another class of men who will either hope to aggrandize themselves by the confusions
of their country or will flatter themselves with fairer prospects of elevation from the subdivision
of the empire into several partial confederacies than from its union under one government
it is not however my design to dwell upon observations of this nature i am well aware
that it would be disingenuous to resolve and discriminately the opposition of any set of men
merely because their situations might subject them to sufficient into interested or ambitious views
candle will oblige us to admit that even such men may be actuated by upright intentions
and it cannot be doubted that much of the opposition which has made its appearance
or may her after make its appearance will spring from sources blameless at least if
not respectable the honest errors of minds led astray by preconceived jealousies and fears
so numerous indeed and so powerful are the causes which serve to give a false bias to the judgment
that we upon many occasions see wise and good men on the wrong as well as on the right side
of questions of the first magnitude to society this circumstance if julie attended to would
furnish a lesson of moderation to those who are ever so much persuaded of their being in
the right in any controversy and a further reason for caution in this respect might be drawn from
the reflection that we are not always sure that those who advocate the truth are influenced by
pure principles than their antagonists ambition avarice personal animosity party opposition
and many other motives not more laudable than these are apt to operate as well upon those who
support as those who oppose the right side of a question well they're not even these inducements
to moderation nothing could be moral judged in that intolerant spirit which has at all times
characterized political parties or in politics as in religion it is equally absurd to aim at
making proselytes by fire and sword terrorism either can rarely be cured by persecution and yet
however just these sentiments will be allowed to be we have already sufficient indications
that it will happen and this is in all former cases of great national discussion a torrent of
angry and malignant passions will be let loose to judge from the conduct of the opposite parties we
shall be led to conclude that they will mutually hope to events the justness of their opinions
and to increase the number of their converts by the loudness of their declinations in the
bitterness of their invectives an enlightened zeal for the energy and efficiency of government will
be stigmatized as the offspring of a temper fond of despotic power and hostile to the principles
of liberty an over-scrupulous jealousy of danger to the rights of the people which is more commonly
the fault of the head then of the heart will be represented as mere pretense and artifice
this stale bait for popularity at the expense of the public good it will be forgotten on the
one hand that jealousy is the usual concomitant and that the noble enthusiasm of liberty is act
to be infected with a spirit of narrow and a liberal distrust on the other hand it will be
equally forgotten that the vigor of government is essential to the security of liberty that in
the contemplation of a sound and well-informed judgment their interests can never be separated
and that a dangerous ambition more often looks behind the species mask of zeal for the rights of
the people than under the forbidden appearance of zeal for the firmness and efficiency of government
history will teach us that the former has been found a much more certain road to the introduction
of despotism than the latter and that of those men who have overturned the liberties of republics
the greatest number have begun their career by paying an obsequious court to the people
commencing demagogues and ending tyrants in the course of the preceding observations
i have had and i my fellow citizens to putting you upon your guard against all attempts
from whatever quarter to influence your decision in a matter of the utmost moment to your welfare
by any impressions other than those which may result from the evidence of truth you will no
doubt at the same time have collected from the general scope of them that they proceed from a
source not unfriendly to the new constitution yes my countrymen i own to you that after having given
it an attempt of consideration i am clearly of opinion it is your interest to adopt it
i am convinced that this is the safest course for your liberty your dignity and
your happiness i affect not reserves which i do not feel i will not amuse you with an appearance
of the liberation when i have decided i frankly acknowledge to you my convictions
and i will freely lay before you the reasons on which they are founded the consciousness
of good intentions disdains ambiguity i shall not however multiply professions on this head
my motives must remain in the depository of my own breast my arguments will be open to all and
may be judged of by all they shall at least be offered in a spirit which will not disgrace the
cause of truth i propose in a series of papers to discuss the following interesting particulars
the utility of the union to your political prosperity the insufficiency of the present
confederation to preserve the union the necessity of a government at least equally energetic with
the one proposed to the attainment of this object the conformity of the proposed constitution to
the true principles of republican government its analogy to your home state constitution and lastly
the additional security witches adoption will afford to the preservation of that species of
government to liberty and to property in the progress of this discussion i shall
endeavor to give a satisfactory answer to all the objections which shall have made their appearance
that may seem to have any claim to your attention it may perhaps be thought superfluous to offer
arguments to prove the utility of the union a point no doubt deeply engraved on the hearts
of a great body of the people in every state and one which it may be imagined has no adversaries
but the fact is that we already hear it whispered in the private circles of those who oppose the
new constitution that the 13 states are of to great extent for any general system
and now we must have necessity resort to separate confederacies of distinct portions of the whole
this doctrine will in all probability be gradually propagated till it has batteries
enough to countenance and open a vowel of it for nothing can be more evident to those who are able
to take an enlarged view of the subject than the alternative of an adoption of the new constitution
or dismemberment of the union it will therefore be of use to begin by examining the advantages of
the union the certain evils and the probable dangers to which every state will be exposed
from its dissolution this shall accordingly constitute the subject of my next address
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