Realism is a school of thought in international relations theory based on
four central propositions, namely Political Groupism, Egoism,
International anarchy and Power politics. Realpolitikal diplomacy first
came to be known through the works of Thomas Hobbes and Niccolò Machiavelli,
but it was not until Hans Morgenthau that scholars began to study such theory
methodically, with Realism emerging as an international relations-based
approach in the inter-war years of the 20th century. As the theories began to
anchor themselves in international relations studies throughout the 20th
century, branches began to emerge such as classical realism, neorealism,
defensive realism, offensive realism, and neoclassical realism.
Jonathan Haslam from the University of Cambridge characterizes Realism as "a
spectrum of ideas." Regardless of which definition is used, the theories of
realism revolve around four central propositions:
That states are the central actors in international politics rather than
individuals or international organizations,
That the international political system is anarchic as there is no supranational
authority that can enforce rules over the states,
that the actors in the international political system are rational as their
actions maximize their own self-interest, and
That all states desire power so that they can ensure their own
self-preservation. Realism is often associated with
Realpolitik as both are based on the management of the pursuit, possession,
and application of power. Realpolitik, however, is an older prescriptive
guideline limited to policy-making, while Realism is a particular paradigm,
or wider theoretical and methodological framework, aimed at describing,
explaining and, eventually, predicting events in the international relations
domain. The theories of Realism are contrasted by the cooperative ideals of
Liberalism. Common assumptions
Realism is a tradition of international theory centered upon four propositions.
The international system is anarchic. No actor exists above states, capable of
regulating their interactions; states must arrive at relations with other
states on their own, rather than it being dictated to them by some higher
controlling entity. The international system exists in a
state of constant antagonism. States are the most important actors.
All states within the system are unitary, rational actors
States tend to pursue self-interest. Groups strive to attain as many
resources as possible. The primary concern of all states is
survival. States build up military to survive,
which may lead to a security dilemma. In summary, realists think that
humankind is not inherently benevolent but rather self-centered and
competitive. This perspective, which is shared by theorists such as Thomas
Hobbes, views human nature as egocentric and conflictual unless there exist
conditions under which humans may coexist. It is also disposed of the
notion that an individual's intuitive nature is made up of anarchy. In regards
to self-interest, these individuals are self-reliant and are motivated in
seeking more power. They are also believed to be fearful. This view
contrasts with the approach of liberalism to international relations.
The state emphasizes an interest in accumulating power to ensure security in
an anarchic world. Power is a concept primarily thought of in terms of
material resources necessary to induce harm or coerce other states. The use of
power places an emphasis on coercive tactics being acceptable to either
accomplish something in the national interest or avoid something inimical to
the national interest. The state is the most important actor
under realism. It is unitary and autonomous because it speaks and acts
with one voice. The power of the state is understood in terms of its military
capabilities. A key concept under realism is the
international distribution of power referred to as system polarity. Polarity
refers to the number of blocs of states that exert power in an international
system. A multipolar system is composed of three or more blocs, a bipolar system
is composed of two blocs, and a unipolar system is dominated by a single power or
hegemon. Under unipolarity realism predicts that
states will band together to oppose the hegemon and restore a balance of power.
Although all states seek hegemony under realism as the only way to ensure their
own security, other states in the system are incentivised to prevent the
emergence of a hegemon through balancing.
States employ the rational model of decision making by obtaining and acting
upon complete and accurate information. The state is sovereign and guided by a
national interest defined in terms of power. Since the only constraint of the
international system is anarchy, there is no international authority and states
are left to their own devices to ensure their own security.
Realists believe that Sovereign states are the principal actors in the
international system, and special attention is afforded to large powers as
they have the most influence on the international stage. International
institutions, non-governmental organizations, multinational
corporations, individuals and other sub-state or trans-state actors are
viewed as having little independent influence. States are inherently
aggressive and/or obsessed with security, and that territorial expansion
is only constrained by opposing power(s). This aggressive build-up,
however, leads to a security dilemma whereby increasing one's security may
bring along even greater instability as an opposing power builds up its own arms
in response. Thus, security becomes a zero-sum game where only relative gains
can be made. Realists believe that there are no
universal principles with which all states may guide their actions. Instead,
a state must always be aware of the actions of the states around it and must
use a pragmatic approach to resolve problems as they arise.
Realism in statecraft Modern realist statesmen
Henry Kissinger Zbigniew Brzezinski
Brent Scowcroft The ideas behind George F. Kennan's work
as a diplomat and diplomatic historian remain relevant to the debate over
American foreign policy, which since the 19th century has been characterized by a
shift from the Founding Fathers' realist school to the idealistic or Wilsonian
school of international relations. In the realist tradition, security is based
on the principle of a balance of power and the reliance on morality as the sole
determining factor in statecraft is considered impractical. According to the
Wilsonian approach, on the other hand, the spread of democracy abroad as a
foreign policy is key and morals are universally valid. During the Presidency
of Bill Clinton, American diplomacy reflected the Wilsonian school to such a
degree that those in favor of the realist approach likened Clinton's
policies to social work. According to Kennan, whose concept of American
diplomacy was based on the realist approach, such moralism without regard
to the realities of power and the national interest is self-defeating and
will lead to the erosion of power, to America's detriment.
Historical branches and antecedents While Realism as a formal discipline in
international relations did not arrive until World War II, its primary
assumptions have been expressed in earlier writings:
Modern realism began as a serious field of research in the United States during
and after World War II. This evolution was partly fueled by European war
migrants like Hans Morgenthau. George F. Kennan – containment
Nicholas Spykman – geostrategy, containment
Herman Kahn – nuclear strategy E. H. Carr
= Classical realism= Classical realism states that it is
fundamentally the nature of man that pushes states and individuals to act in
a way that places interests over ideologies. Classical realism is an
ideology defined as the view that the "drive for power and the will to
dominate [that are] held to be fundamental aspects of human nature".
= Liberal realism or the English school or rationalism=
The English School holds that the international system, while anarchical
in structure, forms a "society of states" where common norms and interests
allow for more order and stability than what might be expected in a strict
realist view. Prominent English School writer Hedley Bull's 1977 classic, The
Anarchical Society, is a key statement of this position.
Prominent liberal realists: Hedley Bull – argued for both the
existence of an international society of states and its perseverance even in
times of great systemic upheaval, meaning regional or so-called "world
wars" Martin Wight
Barry Buzan = Neorealism or structural realism=
Neorealism derives from classical realism except that instead of human
nature, its focus is predominantly on the anarchic structure of the
international system. States are primary actors because there is no political
monopoly on force existing above any sovereign. While states remain the
principal actors, greater attention is given to the forces above and below the
states through levels of analysis or structure-agency debate. The
international system is seen as a structure acting on the state with
individuals below the level of the state acting as agency on the state as a
whole. While neorealism shares a focus on the
international system with the English School, neorealism differs in the
emphasis it places on the permanence of conflict. To ensure state security,
states must be on constant preparation for conflict through economic and
military build-up. Prominent neorealists:
Robert J. Art – neorealism Robert Jervis – defensive realism
Kenneth Waltz – structural realism Stephen Walt – defensive realism
John Mearsheimer – offensive realism Robert Gilpin – hegemonic theory
= Neoclassical realism= Neoclassical Realism can be seen as the
third generation of realism, coming after the classical authors of the first
wave, and the neorealists. Its designation of "neoclassical", then, has
a double meaning: It offers the classics a renaissance;
It is a synthesis of the neorealist and the classical realist approaches.
Gideon Rose is responsible for coining the term in a book review he wrote.
The primary motivation underlying the development of neoclassical realism was
the fact that neorealism was only useful to explain political outcomes, but had
nothing to offer about particular states' behavior. The basic approach,
then, was for these authors to "refine, not refute, Kenneth Waltz", by adding
domestic intervening variables between systemic incentives and a state's
foreign policy decision. Thus, the basic theoretical architecture of Neoclassical
Realism is: Distribution of power in the
international system >>> Domestic perception of the system and/or
domestic incentives >>> Foreign policy decision
While neoclassical realism has only been used for theories of foreign policy so
far, Randall Schweller notes that it could be useful to explain certain types
of political outcomes as well. Neoclassical realism is particularly
appealing from a research standpoint because it still retains a lot of the
theoretical rigor that Waltz has brought to realism, but at the same time can
easily incorporate a content-rich analysis, since its main method for
testing theories is the process-tracing of case studies.
Prominent neoclassical realists: Randall Schweller
Thomas J. Christensen William Wohlforth
Aaron Friedberg Norrin Ripsman
Tom Dyson Jonathan D. Kirshner
= Left Realism= Several scholars, including Mark Laffey
at the School of Oriental and African Studies, and Ronald Osborn at the
University of Southern California, have argued for the idea of a "Left Realism"
in IR theory with particular reference to the work of Noam Chomsky. Both Laffey
and Osborn have suggested in separate articles in Review of International
Studies that Chomsky’s understanding of power in the international sphere
reflects the analytical assumptions of classical realism combined with a
radical moral, normative or "Left" critique of the state.
Criticisms = Democratic peace=
Democratic peace theory advocates also that realism is not applicable to
democratic states' relations with each another, as their studies claim that
such states do not go to war with one another. However, Realists and
proponents of other schools have critiqued both this claim and the
studies which appear to support it, claiming that its definitions of "war"
and "democracy" must be tweaked in order to achieve the desired result.
= Hegemonic peace= Robert Gilpin developed the theory of
hegemonic stability theory within the realist framework, but limited it to
economic field. Historian Max Ostrovsky applied the theory to political field.
Comparing different civilizations, he found that the core of the realist
paradigm--the balance of power--was in world history exception from the rule.
The rule was unipolar orders ranging from hegemonies to empires. Persistent
world-wide hegemony and empire are both possible and probable. There is a causal
link between democracy and peace but the link is reverse: peace causes democracy,
while the cause of peace is the unipolar distribution of power and the hegemonic
world order. = Federalism=
The term refers to the theory or advocacy of federal political orders,
where final authority is divided between sub-units and a centre. Unlike a unitary
state, sovereignty is constitutionally split between at least two territorial
levels so that units at each level have final authority and can act
independently of the others in some area. Citizens thus have political
obligations to two authorities. The allocation of authority between the
sub-unit and centre may vary. Typically the centre has powers regarding defence
and foreign policy, but sub-units may also have international roles. The
sub-units may also participate in central decision-making bodies.
The basic idea behind federalism is that a unifying relationship between states
should be established under a common system of law. Conflict and disagreement
should be resolved through peaceful means rather than through coercion or
war. Its most important aspect is in recognizing that different types of
institutions are needed to deal with different types of political issues.
= Post-realism= Post-realism suggests that Realism is a
form of social, scientific and political rhetoric. It closes rather than opens a
debate about what is real and what is realistic in international relations.
Prominent Post-Realists: Francis A. Beer
James Der Derian Robert Hariman
Michael J. Shapiro See also
Complex interdependence Consensus reality
International legal theory Flipism
Game theory Global justice
Legalism Negarchy
Peace through strength Realpolitik
Reinhold Niebuhr,, American theologian References
Further reading External links
Comparing and Contrasting Classical Realism and Neorealism by Arash
Heydarian Pashakhanlou Political Realism in International
Relations in Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy
Global Power Barometer The Realist Persuasion by Andrew J.
Bacevich, for the Boston Globe, November 6, 2005
The National Interest The Indian National Interest
Interview with neorealist Robert Jervis by Theory Talks
Interview with realist Kenneth Waltz by Theory Talks
The Neocons vs. The Realists