In 1182, the Greek-speaking Eastern Orthodox population of Constantinople massacred the
Catholic western European inhabitants of their city. Twenty-two years later, in 1204,
the Latins exacted their revenge, when the armies of the Fourth Crusade committed one
of the most notorious sacks in medieval history upon the capital of the Eastern Roman Empire.
The relationship between the Byzantine Empire and Western Europe is popularly
seen as one of the middle ages’ most infamous rivalries, but how did people
from these two cultural spheres truly see one another before the Crusades? In this video,
we will take a deep dive into Medieval Western Europe’s cultural perceptions of Eastern Rome,
going beyond politics and warfare to explore how even mundane things like food, fashion, and
etiquette played into the development of the tumultuous relationship between East and West.
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We live in a world where traveling to other countries and experiencing different cultures
is possible for almost everyone, whether in real life or from behind a screen.
But that has not always been the case. Throughout most of history, the medieval era withstanding,
few people had the luxury of traveling to faraway lands, and there was no internet to share your
experience with people across the globe. Because of this, one of the most common misconceptions
about the Middle Ages is that the people of the period were total strangers to contact with
foreign countries, traditions, and ethnicities. While a case can be made that the average medieval
commoner wasn’t an accomplished globetrotter, many from the higher-ups of society frequently
took on long journeys to distant lands, with some even bothering to write down their experiences.
Fortunately, a few of these writings have withstood the test of time,
and offer us a precious glimpse into the past. A particularly precious account
is that of Liutprand, the bishop of Cremona. In an effort to expand his Italian possessions,
Holy Roman Emperor Otto I moved with his armies into the peninsula's south in 967 AD.
This provoked the discontent of the eastern Roman Emperor Nicephorus II, who claimed sovereignty
over those lands. Tensions kept rising as Nicephorus refused to recognize Otto as a
legitimate emperor, declaring himself the only rightful Emperor of the Romans. The following
year, Otto sent one of his diplomats, Liutprand of Cremona, on a diplomatic mission to defuse
the situation, charging the bishop with the task of arranging a marital alliance. Otto wanted his
son and heir, Otto II, to marry Nicephorus’ niece: this would not only have prevented a possible war,
but would also have significantly increased his dynasty’s prestige, as well as cemented
the legitimacy of the Holy Roman Empire and its rulers through ties of blood with the East.
Through Liutprand’s report of his mission, we are granted the chance to peer into the cultural
differences between the East and West. The first instance in which we see this is when Liutprand
first meets Emperor Nicephorus. He writes:“...I was led before Nicephorus - a monstrosity of a
man, a pygmy, fat-headed and like a mole as to the smallness of his eyes; disgusting with his short,
broad, thick, and half hoary beard; disgraced by a neck an inch long; very bristly through
the length and thickness of his hair; …with extensive belly, lean of loin, very long of
hip considering his short stature, small of shank, proportionate as to his heels and feet; clad in a
garment costly but too old, and foul-smelling and faded through age; …bold of tongue,
a fox by nature, in perjury and lying a Ulysses.” As we can clearly see, the bishop was far from
impressed with the Emperor’s appearance. This can be traced back to the idealistic Frankish image
of a king: Liutprand was one of the Holy Roman Empire's most influential political figures, and
a member of an aristocratic family of Lombards: a Germanic people who had conquered much of northern
Italy in the 6th and 7th centuries. As we know from the period’s sources, the western emperors
and their followers placed a high value on a lot of archetypal Germanic attributes of leadership.
Physical strength and height, for example, are mentioned by Charlemagne's biographer Einhard.
Well-groomed beards, long hair, and honesty were also typically valued.
When reading Liutprand’s report, his bias is clear from the start, as he extensively writes
of the mistreatments received upon arriving in Constantinople, often clearly exaggerating.
This explains why he describes Nicephorus as the opposite of what a good ruler should ideally look
like, setting a strong contrast between him and Otto, as he also writes:“Always my lords
and august emperors ye seemed to me shapely, how much more shapely after this! Always magnificent,
how much more magnificent after this! Always powerful, how much more powerful after this!”
The differences between east and West only deepen when we look at the often-overlooked culinary
aspect of culture. While the Byzantine diet kept many aspects of the typically Mediterranean
cuisine of Ancient Rome, much of Western Europe had since removed itself from these traditions.
When Nicephorus held a banquet following some kind of procession in the city, Liutprand made
his typically Lombard opinion clear. We don’t know what exactly was served at the table. Still,
the bishop calls it “disgusting and foul”, disapproving of the amount of olive oil used, and
condemning the addition of what he describes as “a certain other exceedingly bad fish liquor” which
we know to be the famed garum, a roman condiment consisting of fermented fish sauce. On the topic
of drinks, Liutprand also disliked the wine he was served, on the account of it being mixed
with resin, pitch, and supposedly even plaster, which made it undrinkable to him and his retinue.
Clearly, the culinary habits of Liutprand’s native Northern Italy were vastly different
from those of Nicephorus. To him, condiments such as olive oil, as well as garum, onions,
and garlic, were unpalatable. In his native lands, cattle breeding and hunting played a big role,
and the go-to foods were game, beef, cheese, eggs, lard, and butter. As is often the case,
even in the modern day, disaccord in the kitchen can lead to more serious opinions and prejudice.
In fact, Liutprand maintained that the Easterners did not consume meat because
they were greedy and preferred selling animals for profit rather than eating them; this would be why,
according to him, they typically ate a lot of garlic, onion, and leeks instead.
This perceived Byzantine greed was probably a common prejudice among many in continental
Europe. It stemmed from the vast wealth brought in by Constantinople’s impressive mercantile network
and flourishing merchant class, something which would only start developing in the West starting
from the 11th and 12th centuries, with the notable exception of places like Venice.
One can easily imagine an emissary like Liutprand, who came from a far more humble environment,
condemning the amount of wealth the Eastern Roman Empire accumulated as greedy and sinful.
The Lombard also had something to say about the Byzantine army, scolding Imperial military might.
In his report, he writes that with just a few hundred of his soldiers, Otto would easily defeat
the entire Eastern army, which was so weak even the feeblest Latin host would have crushed it.
We can quickly tell that this was a gross exaggeration, and need to remember that
Liutprand’s account was written during a period of intense animosity between the two powers.
Religious zeal also played a key role in societies of the period,
especially in ecclesiastical backdrops like the one Liutprand, who was infact a Bishop, came from.
West and East, one might think, were united by faith, as Christianity was the dominant
religion in both. However, while the two different regions were both Christian,
their people followed two different branches of this religion. The Frankish countries
mostly followed Catholicism, and the Eastern Roman Empire practiced Orthodoxy as its official creed.
Throughout the early Middle Ages, numerous controversies and crises gradually chipped
away at Catholic-Orthodox relations, such as the Photian Controversy of 863. Eventually,
the Latin and the Greek world would be fully divided in 1054, when the “Great Schism” occurred
and the Churches in Rome and Constantinople separated all ties with one another. This
social and religious divide, which we covered in a previous episode, only exacerbated the already
existing tensions and prejudice between Latins and Greeks. Nevertheless, we need to remember
that most of these tensions were only felt by the elites and clergy of the respective countries;
and most common people likely never paid much attention to such intricate upper-class matters.
Even among the upper-classes, while there was no doubt plenty of resentment and prejudice in
both the east and the west, cooperation between the two was still possible.
While some polities in Western Europe might have distanced themselves from Byzantium,
others chose the more shrewd route of maintaining strong bonds with the East. The city of Venice
would remain the main European bedfellow of the Eastern Roman Empire throughout much of its
history. Initially part of the Byzantine holding of the Exarchate of Ravenna, the “City of Canals”
had gained its de facto independence and Imperial recognition thereof by the mid-8th century. Soon,
it thrived as a commercial hub between Europe and the east thanks to its advantageous location.
Venetian ships departed from their native lagoon carrying grain, wood, ceramics, fine glassware,
and most importantly: salt. They then sailed across the Adriatic and Aegean, braving pirate
attacks, before docking in Constantinople. Once there, their merchants would sell the exported
goods in the many, bustling Greek markets, and buy spices, silk, and other luxury products,
which would be brought back to Venice and, from there, supplied and sold to the rest of Europe.
This very lucrative Mediterranean trade network would endure for centuries and encourage both
countries to defend their economic interests in the region. This would lead to instances where
the Serenissima and Byzantium would join forces against any who might threaten such investments.
A glaring example of this was the Dyrrachium campaign of 1081-1084, when the Normans of
Southern Italy, led by the invincible warlord Robert Guiscard, invaded Byzantine Europe.
In this war, Venice lent its help to the Eastern Roman Empire in two major expeditions,
playing a vital role in preventing the Normans from expanding into the Dalmatian coast and
setting a foothold toward the Aegean, which would have damaged Venetian-Byzantine commerce.
Even though Robert’s campaign ultimately failed because of his sudden death in 1085,
the Venetians had crushed the Norman fleet outside of Dyrrachium, and further participated
in important blockades and battles. Consequently, Emperor Alexios I Comnenos rewarded Venice’s
efforts with the “chrysobull”, which proclaimed that a permanent colony of resident traders on
the Golden Horn, several buildings, churches, as well as other properties were recognized as
Venetian. They were also granted the privilege to trade throughout the Empire exempt from
any fee or tax owed to the Imperial Government. But apart from these political and economic bonds,
what did the Venetians think of the people they dubbed "Greeks" at a period when much
of the Western world regarded these citizens of Eastern Rome with distrust and contempt?
To answer that question, a stroll around Venice itself can showcase how Eastern architecture
made its way out of the Empire. Indeed, many 10th and 11th-century buildings still stand all around
the “City of masks” to this day. More prominent examples that can be pointed to are the Basilica
of Santa Maria Assunta, whose final version dates back to 1008, or the San Zan Degolà Church,
which displays typically Byzantine capitals and frescos, as well as greek marble in its interior.
These are good examples of how Venetian and Byzantine trends interacted and overlapped in
architecture (which point to a healthy level of friendly communication), but their ties
were also visible inside Venetian society itself. Indeed, many Venetian noblemen were particularly
fond of typically eastern customs. They appeared more refined and mannerly, and wore “long stuffed
tunics or cassocks with leather belts, full cloaks of silk lined with fur and fastened on the left
shoulder, in the Greek fashion, by a plain gold brooch”; this was something that other Europeans
of the period may have criticized as effeminate behavior. The wives of these nobles were essential
in spreading Byzantine trends, making a display of their lofty brocades, velvets, jeweled belts,
gold pendants, and furs after the practices of Eastern Rome, as well as endorsing rigorous
etiquette in the household. Charlemagne’s visit to the lagoon stands as a testament to how close
Venetian and Byzantine societies were. When the soon-to-become emperor traveled to Friuli
in 776 to hunt big game, he apparently made friends with the leaders of a few
wealthy Venetian families and was compelled to adopt their eastern-looking elegant clothing.
Byzantine noblewomen even found their way into the Doges’ palace. In 1004, the co-doge of Venice,
Giovanni Orseolo, married princess Maria Argyra, who was related to four different Roman Emperors.
Their wedding was held in Constantinople, where the newlyweds were crowned with golden diadems.
Upon returning to Venice, it is said that: “...the pigeons, which had already made their home in
the Piazza, flew round the young couple's heads in emulation of the popular ovation”.
John the Deacon, the most important chronicler of early Venice, calls Maria "a lovely bride",
and an effigy in her honor was made with these words on it:“Dogaressa Maria Orseolo, niece of two
Emperors of the East, Basil and Constantine, wife of Giovanni Orseolo, son of the Doge of Venice,
fair and compassionate, a goddess who is so beautiful can never be hard-hearted!”
In the early 1070s, another Byzantine princess would leave her mark on Venetian
society when Theodora Doukas became the wife of Doge Domenico Selvo, acquiring,
like her predecessors, the title of Dogaressa, literally: female Doge. She was a fiery character
and was responsible for the introduction of many eastern novelties to the Serenissima.
Through her extravagant personality, she alienated many Venetians, but also won others over.
She is credited with introducing elaborate Greek cuisine, as well as, possibly, an early golden
two-pronged form of a fork. Actively contradicting the custom of the curfew, she instructed for big,
expensive candle holders to be placed in the streets. Sometimes called the “Queen of Beauty”,
she would go to great lengths to ensure her appearance was impeccable, having constant baths
with perfumed water or fresh dew, and using many exotic cosmetics and perfumes. Her clothing was
also similarly extravagant, as well as ludicrously expensive, and she was said to be the one setting
the fashion trends in the piazza - main square. Although she was criticized by many, at her death,
Venice looked different from what it did upon her arrival. She was a good figurehead for the
Venetian state, not to mention a patron of the city’s businesses. Finally, her love for perfumes
was so great that it influenced the creation of dedicated shops, which thrived for centuries.
Relations between the Eastern Roman Empire and Western Europeans were complicated and varied,
with the opinions of the latter changing depending on the politico-economic ties
between the East and their own countries. But as we have seen, everything from trade to marital
alliances and from cuisine to fashion had a role to play in these overlooked facets of history,
and all these things came together to create a complex and vibrant interplay of cultural
interaction which was capable of producing both great mutual malice, and great mutual admiration.
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