On this channel, accuracy of research is something I take very seriously, and part of the reason
why I’ll never put anything out quickly. And when I make an error, I like to bring
it up or update it in a later video. So as we are in the midst of out reassessment of
Nogai, a prince in the late thirteenth century Golden Horde, and I made an error regarding
his father, well it’s probably important enough to get its own video- especially since
I’m not the only one who’s made this mistake. In doing so, we’ll highlight some aspects
of one of our most important historical sources, as well as perhaps some hints at Nogai’s
early life that have survived.
Eagle eyed viewers will have noticed a change in Nogai’s family between my previous two
videos. In my previous writing, and in my MA thesis, I stated that Nogai’s father
was Tutar, one of the Jochid princes killed by Hülegü Il-Khan sometime after the sack
of Baghdad. I am not the only one to have made this statement, either. It made sense:
Nogai’s first role in the sources was as a commander leading a Jochid army against
Hülegü, and Rashid al-Din, our main source for this matter, highlights how Nogai wanted
revenge for Tutar’s death. So, it seemed rather simple that Nogai was given this command
in order to avenge his father’s death. In 1288 and 1290, another Prince, Tamma-Toqta,
was given an army to lead against the Ilkhanate; not coincidentally, his father Balaghi had
been one of the princes killed by Hülegü. Given how revenge was often key to Mongol
justification for campaigns, it all fit rather nicely.
Except, as Rashid al-Din indicates, Tutar was not Nogai’s father, but his first cousin.
Nogai’s father was actually an individual named Tatar. I was… kinda annoyed when I
made this realization while rereading Rashid al-Din’s work a few weeks ago. Is this a
case of Rashid al-Din confusing the names of Tutar and Tatar? No. Rashid is consistent
in making Nogai’s father Tatar, and Tutar being his cousin, the son of Tatar’s brother
Mingqudar, both sons of Jochi’s son Bo’al. As far as I have been able to judge, this
is consistent among all of the sources, though Rashid offers, as usual, the most detail.
You might wonder why we should trust Rashid al-Din’s account, given that he was a vizier
in the service of the Il-Khan, the Jochid’s sworn enemies, and also wrote some four decades
after the Berke-Hülegü war. Firstly, Rashid al-Din was an incredibly intelligent individual,
and importantly, one with knowledge of Mongolian. From his perch as Ilkhanid vizier, he collected
as much information as he could, and remains perhaps the single most important source for
Mongolian history in the thirteenth century. Most of his Mongol history was based on now-lost
Mongolian and even Chinese documents: some of these, as Christopher Atwood has shown,
he was very proud to have access to, and preferred their information over Arabic and Persian
sources on the Mongols. His information was not merely textual, but oral: the Il-Khan
Ghazan and the Yuan Dynasty ambassador, Bolad Chingsang he consulted, though their influence
is likely overstated. Rashid also mentions gathering information from envoys from the
Golden Horde when they visited the Il-Khan’s court. Kelmish Aqa, one of the highest ranking
women in the Golden Horde and one who had great influence among the Jochids, also maintained
constant contact with the Il-Khans, to whom she sent friendly messages and kept informed
of events there. Lastly, at some point one of Nogai’s wives fled to the Ilkhanate,
and Rashid may have consulted her, though personally I doubt it, for reasons I will
address in a future video.
Rashid al-Din viewed himself as an intellectual, and liked to make sure his information was
accurate, though he still made mistakes. When he got access to better sources, he would
update his work. For example, his manuscripts have three different versions of the family
tree of the Chagatais, each made as new information was gathered. When he could not find something
out, he remarks upon it, or on the fact he was given conflicting details, and at times
even mentions his sources. While he certainly has his staunchly pro-Toluid bias, he was
a far more thorough compiler than many contemporaries. A great amount of space in Rashid’s Jami’
al-Tawarikh is dedicated to these genealogies, and it was not a task Rashid took lightly.
If you are not happy with the genealogy provided by Rashid on a given Chinggisid, well unfortunately
you are unlikely to find any surviving thirteenth or fourteenth century sources which offer
greater accuracy- and chances are most latter medieval and modern sources consulted Rashid
anyways.
So what, specifically, does Rashid tell us then? That Nogai’s grandfather, Jochi’s
seventh son Bo’al, had two sons, Tatar and Mingqudar. Tatar had only one son, Nogai.
Mingqudar was a bit of a busier boy, with nine sons. Tutar seems to have been the eldest
son of Mingqudar, and had a single son of his own recorded. Of the lives of Tatar and
Tutar, we are told very little beyond their names. Tutar was among three Jochid princes
sent with tümens to assist Hülegü. They joined him in northwestern Iran in late 1256,
taking part in the attacks on the Isma’ili fortresses, as well as the siege of Baghdad
in 1258. Sometime in the aftermath, the three princes were killed on Hülegü’s order,
accused of sorcery; though it seems the real reason was Hülegü’s annoyance at their
efforts to enforce Jochid claims on the lands Hülegü was conquering. The deaths of Tutar
and the other two princes were among the principal causes of the war between Berke and Hülegü,
as attested in most of the sources. Rashid al-Din is very clear in stating that revenge
for Tutar’s death was, at least for Nogai, one of the main drivers in the assault.
What can we make of this regarding Nogai? What I will offer next is entirely speculation,
so don’t go quoting it as definite proof. But everything I say is based on what Rashid
tells us. Let’s make one assumption first: that Bo’al’s two sons, Tatar and Mingqudar,
were close. As Bo’al himself is essentially unknown, perhaps he died early: The combination
of intense alcoholism, and war being their main profession, meant it was hardly unusual
for a Mongol prince to die an early death. Assuming Rashid was correct, and they had
no siblings and their father died early, the two boys relied on each other.
We can note that Nogai was also recorded as an only son. Nothing else is known of his
father Tatar’s life. Did Tatar die early on? From some disease or fall from horseback
or battle? Possibly. Perhaps he died soon after Nogai’s birth, and his younger brother
Mingqudar then named his firstborn son, Tutar, as a homage to Tatar. The similarity in names
may be more than coincidental: perhaps Tutar and Tatar bore the same name, but one form
got corrupted through whatever informant Rashid learned it from. Assuming Nogai’s father
died early, perhaps while Nogai was still a boy, then Mingqudar likely took in Nogai
and raised him. Given that Mingqudar did not yet have nine sons running around, an extra
little Mongol wasn’t going to make a difference. Then in this case, Mingqudar’s own son Tutar,
even though he was Nogai’s first cousin, was presumably close in age and became like
a brother to Nogai.
Thus, when Rashid al-Din commented that Nogai sought revenge for Tutar’s death, he may
have been correct in indicating the conflict was personal. The war against Hülegü was
very violent; Nogai fought viciously, was commented to be a great warrior, and was rewarded
with losing an eye in close combat. Assuming I’m right, Nogai had lost his adopted brother,
the family that had taken him in after his father’s death, and with all the anger of
a young man descended from history’s greatest conqueror, went into battle full of wrath.
Let’s also assume that my speculation from the last video that Nogai was a constant member
of Berke’s ordu was correct. A strong personal bond to an adopted brother might not be alone
enough to warrant being given an army to avenge him, in comparison to avenging his own father.
So, Nogai must have had a strong relationship with Berke, and a reputation as a warrior
of some kind, to be granted such a favour. This was more likely to be granted, if Nogai
had been a follower of Berke for years, and an early convert to Islam after him. And thus,
Nogai was entrusted as Berke’s commander-in-chief, marching over the Caucasus in 1262 with one
goal in mind: avenging the death of Tutar, his first-cousin, childhood friend and possibly,
adopted brother.
That’s all of course, speculation, but speculation based on the primary sources. Given that Nogai’s
early life is unrecorded, these are just possible details that might help illuminate this dark
period, and give a hint to his human experience. One of the few personal details we know of
Nogai from later in his life, is that he loved his family. I don’t think it is too extreme
to suggest this was a trait he had early in life too. And perhaps one thing that would
drive Nogai to fight fellow Mongols, was anger at the treatment of his family. Keep that
little nugget in your head.
For our next video, we’ll finally deal with the Berke-Hülegü war, so you can see for
yourself what all the hullabaloo is aboot.