The Eastern Roman empire’s defeat to Khan Krum at Pliska was an unrelenting disaster,
the magnitude of which had not been seen in the Roman world since Adrianople almost four
centuries before. The emperor Nikephoros I was dead and an entire imperial army had been
annihilated. As with the Goths after Adrianople, the Bulgars after Pliska were not going away.
While the defeated empire convulsed under various internal and external pressures, Bulgar
conquests would continue, and would climax at the Battle of Versinikia.
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The empire’s high command bore the brunt of losses against Krum’s Bulgar armies at
Pliska. Damage to the imperial leadership was immense, and the late emperor’s son
Staurakios had been grievously wounded during the battle, which undermined his succession
and signaled the start of the struggle for the throne. The main candidate for the imperial
office was Staurakios’ brother-in-law, Michael Rangabe. He gained the support of leading
Roman officers and was proclaimed Michael I, Emperor and Autocrat of the Romans, on
October 2nd 811, while Staurakios withdrew to a monastery, where he soon died.
Luckily for the empire, Krum’s Bulgar state was in nearly as bad a condition as its defeated
foe. Pliska had been burned to ash and the casualties among the population were high.
It would take some time to recover. Krum set to solidifying support among the Slavic leaders,
maintaining relations with the allied Sclaveni, and recruiting fresh warriors. At this point
in history, ‘Bulgaria’ was a mixture of Turkic Bulgar migrants from Western Asia,
some Byzantine Greeks, and a majority of native Slavs, who had initially been a subject people.
In time, this combination would form the ‘Bulgarian’ identity. Keeping Slavic chieftains on side
was a crucial task for Krum, made simpler by the victory at Pliska.
In the Eastern Roman Empire, Michael I was having problems with his army. Scant military
experience and a lack of charisma meant that the new emperor lacked the vital confidence
of his troops, who soon became restless with Michael’s reluctance to take any decisive
action. In this void the troops turned their eyes to two theme commanders: Leo the Armenian
of the Anatolic theme, and John Aplakes in Thrace and Macedonia. The former was the most
prominent army commander of his age, possessing a rich record of victories against the Arabs
in the east. At that point, the Balkan front was the main focus of Roman attention, due
to the fact that the Abbasid civil war was still ongoing. The only serious hostilities
between the Christians and Muslims took place when Arabs, under the command of the emir
of Tarsus, mounted a raid on the Anatolic theme. This attack was easily repulsed by
Leo, and further cemented his illustrious reputation into that of a man who could possibly
be a dynastic candidate. By spring of 812, Krum was ready to attack.
His target was a chain of Roman fortresses on the imperial border, as they posed a significant
threat to the south and east borders of Krum’s realm. Reducing them would render the frontier
a more ‘level playing field’, whilst leaving the empire more vulnerable to the Bulgar raids.
In May 812, the Bulgars crossed the mountains and put the city of Debeltos, which commanded
the north-south coastal road, under siege. Taking it would sever the main land route
linking Constantinople to the Black Sea ports of Anchialos and Mesembria. Upon arrival,
Krum encircled the city with his forces, cut off its supply lines, bombarded it with siege
artillery, and devastated the fertile farmland around it. By early June its inhabitants surrendered
the city and were resettled in Bulgarian territory to bolster the potential military and economic
prosperity of the state. Unfortunately for Michael, by the time he set off to relieve
Debeltos, it was already too late. As the army received the news that the city
had fallen, the thematic forces almost became mutinous. Though the unrest was quelled through
generous donatives - essentially bribes - it was clear no further advance was possible
that year. This failure also instilled panic in the frontier population, many of whom began
to flee their colonies, leaving the border bereft of civilians or defenders, making it
more vulnerable than ever. Bulgar raiding detachments now easily overran
northern Thrace, solidified their control over the Sofia Basin, and seized all of the
empire’s Black Sea ports north of Sozopolis, except for Mesembria. Many theme troops settled
in the overwhelmed regions even joined the Bulgars, including several high-ranking military
officers. This added a sophistication of command which benefitted Bulgaria. The newly acquired
regions were administered by a fusion of Bulgar chiefs and Byzantine Greek defectors.
After completing the efforts of consolidation and conquest by the summer of 812, Krum’s
army arrived outside the isolated and crucial Mesembria with siege engines. Before beginning
his assault, however, he sent an embassy to Constantinople with demands, the acceptance
of which would mean peace. Krum’s conditions were actually quite moderate - essentially
seeking to revive the old treaty between emperor Theodosius III and Tervel, which was signed
in 716: a common border in northern Thrace, annual tribute of clothes and dyed skins worth
30 pounds of gold, the right for Bulgar merchants to trade in the lucrative markets of Constantinople,
and finally, mutual return of prisoners, deserters and asylum seekers.
Michael was open to this proposal, but pressure from his religious advisors convinced him
otherwise, on the basis that returning Bulgars who had embraced the Christian faith was a
violation of the Gospel. The emperor attempted to negotiate, but Krum was not going to tolerate
this and, in mid-October surrounded Mesembria. Positioned on a peninsula extending into the
sea and surrounded by strong fortifications, it would be a tough nut to crack.
Despite such a strong position, Krum’s deft use of defected Roman engineers allowed him
to deploy sophisticated artillery to hammer the Mesembrian walls continuously, breaking
enemy resistance in only two weeks. When it became obvious that no relief force would
arrive from Constantinople, its garrison surrendered. The city, full to the brim with goods and
money, was extensively looted. Amongst the rich plunder was the famous ‘Greek fire’
and 36 projectors to use it. As the Khan had done with Debeltos before, he resettled the
city’s population and left it deserted. The onset of winter brought a halt to military
activities, and Krum withdrew to Bulgaria. In February 813 Krum attempted to launch a
surprise attack against a small Roman force encamped near Adrianople. However, Krum’s
plan was revealed by escaped Roman prisoners, allowing the emperor to muster his tagmatic
units and intercept the khan’s force. Many casualties were inflicted on it, and Krum
was forced into retreat. While it was a minor action, it was the first
victory of Michael’s rule, and he intended to capitalise on it. Taking advantage of the
continuing peace with the Abbasids, the emperor began planning a massive spring campaign against
Bulgaria. Michael mobilised contingents from across the empire, including the border regions
in the far east. While soldiers from the Asiatic themes were far from impressed at having to
march such a distance, they nevertheless arrived in southeastern Thrace by early spring. Here,
they united with Thracian and Macedonian thematic troops on the fields outside Constantinople.
Overall, Michael I probably had around 26,000 levied soldiers from all themes across the
Eastern Roman Empire, many of which would have been barely-trained recruits. On top
of that, roughly 4,000 elite tagmata accompanied their ruler, for a total of perhaps 30,000
- a massive army for the time period. He was accompanied by two senior commanders - the
aforementioned duo of John Aplakes - strategos of Macedonia - and Leo the Armenian - strategos
of the Anatolic theme. The campaign began disastrously, as the emperor
delayed the march and then continuously failed to advance quickly on the Bulgars after it
began. The army assembled in Thrace sat idle for at least a month before moving at all,
causing plummeting morale. On May 4th, a solar eclipse occurred and was interpreted by the
army as a sign of coming disaster. If this was not bad enough, the imperial army was
forced to ‘forage’ for provisions during its extended stay on Roman soil, subjecting
the Thracian population to widespread plundering by their own men. Pressure grew on the emperor
from every angle, and he finally made a move. Michael marched towards the Bulgar border
near Adrianople before ordering yet another halt. The constant delaying allowed Krum to
muster a sizeable force of Bulgars, and gave time for his Slavic and Avar subjects to arrive.
Despite this, the khan realized his army was still outnumbered as it entered the region
of Adrianople. With the two armies close to one another,
Krum encamped and awaited further information near the abandoned Roman fort at Versinikia
on June 7th. The armies were aware of each other at this point, but both were wary to
make the first move. Michael’s highest officers - John and Leo - unsuccessfully and continuously
pressed the emperor to attack now but were continuously refused. For two weeks, the armies
engaged in an elaborate game of marching out of camp, maneuvering for position and then
drawing up for battle. Then the opposing forces would engage in long-range missile skirmishes,
but decisive battle was not joined. This resulted in a stalemate, but the Romans were suffering
badly from attrition. Midsummer heat was sapping the strength of both armies, but the more
heavily armoured and armed imperial troops suffered more, a situation which was not helped
by a lack of food and water in Michael’s camp.
Echoing the situation at Pliska two years earlier, the stagnant military situation increased
levels of indiscipline and demoralisation in the ranks, especially among Anatolian units.
Finally, it all became too much. On the night of June 21st John Aplakes - strategos of Macedonia
- informed his emperor that he intended to attack the Bulgars the next day, and that
he expected the central contingent under Michael, and the left contingent under Leo, to support
him. Leo seconded the plan, eager to attack as he was, and assured Michael that the men
would fight until victory was attained. Faced with this ultimatum from his two senior subcommanders,
the emperor had no choice. They would attack the next day.
When the morning of the 22nd of June, 813 came, the contending armies of the Eastern
Roman Empire and the first Bulgarian empire marched out of their camps and drew up into
battle formation. The ground on which the forces drew up was partially wooded plain,
dotted with rolling hills, to the north of Adrianople. Krum’s army was outnumbered,
but it formed up nonetheless. Two lines of predominantly Slavic infantry were in the
centre, and two contingents of cavalry supported each wing. Some of this mainly Bulgar cavalry
were horse archers, while the khan himself led a force of heavily armoured melee cavalry
as a personal guard. In order to mask his strength, Krum placed the first line in full
sight of Michael I’s army, and hid the second behind one of the rolling hills of the landscape,
obscuring it from view. On the other side of the field were the Romans,
stationed on the lip of a ridge. Theme levies on the left and right side of the line were
led by Leo the Armenian and John Aplakes respectively, while elite tagmata accompanied Emperor Michael
in the centre. As planned, John opened the battle with a furious charge - his first line
consisting of Macedonian troops marching down the gradual slope and colliding with Krum’s
left. A violent melee then ensued in which the more heavily armoured Romans began to
gain superiority over their enemy. Under the pressure, the Bulgar left side began to buckle.
Sensing an opportunity, the Balkan commander then fed his Thracian contingent into the
fray, reinforcing the Macedonians. Fighting on their home soil and extensively trained,
these men were the least demoralised on the field, and they performed admirably. After
a while of this constant pressure, Krum’s left began to crack, showing signs of breaking
completely. It was surely only a matter of time until the empire’s glorious victory.
While John’s European forces were winning on the right, the emperor just watched the
fighting. He did nothing, and was more a spectator than a commander. Michael failed to issue
any attack order either to his own troops or Leo’s wing. His reasons for doing so
are not known, but it could be either that he viewed John as a political threat, or was
simply just incompetent, not understanding the tactical necessities of the time. Whatever
the reason, indecision was the order of the day. The Roman left and centre remained inert
on the ridge line, watching their comrades fight. Krum saw the inaction among his enemy
and took advantage accordingly, ordering his second line to reinforce the crumbling left.
These bolstering troops included Bulgar horse archers, which outflanked John’s Macedonians
and Thracians, harrying them with a continuous stream of arrows, while Krum’s elite heavy
horsemen smashed into their enemy. On the ridge, the Anatolian troops under Leo
suddenly began to withdraw in good order. Why this happened is not known either, but
it has been widely speculated that Leo was a -traitor, who struck a deal with Krum before
the battle to abandon the field. More horse archers were sent after the Anatolians, and
this transformed what was an orderly withdrawal into a panicked rout. Seeing this, Michael’s
unengaged tagmata in the centre turned and ran as well, unnerved by the flight of Leo’s
troops. As more and more Bulgar reinforcements began to overwhelm his soldiers, this man,
who was by all accounts a brave and competent officer, perished alongside many of his men.
Having barely lasted an hour, the Battle of Versinikia was over, and Krum was in disbelief.
The khan strictly forbade any immediate pursuit, skeptical that the odd withdrawals were real.
When Krum realised he had actually won that easily, a chase was not possible - his forces
had found the spoils in the Roman camp, and set to looting it. As Michael, his tagmata,
and the Anatolians headed for Constantinople, around 3,000 Romans lay dead on the field,
mostly Balkan troops. This defeat worsened the empire’s situation
and gave Krum the chance to launch attacks in Constantinople’s immediate vicinity.
It also sealed the fate of Emperor Michael I, who was dethroned in favour of his allegedly
treacherous Anatolian commander, who took the Roman throne as Leo V soon after. This
was not the end of Byzantium’s encounters with Bulgaria, and more epic battles would
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