Some of the worst setbacks Rome’s legionary infantry faced as it expanded the eternal
city’s dominion throughout the Mediterranean were inflicted by armies skilled in the traditions
of cavalry warfare, such as the light Numidian riders of Hannibal and the horse archers of
the Parthian Empire. The always adaptable Romans took these defeats into account and,
throughout the imperial period, gradually began to decrease their one-dimensional focus
on heavy infantry, and Roman cavalry grew into one of the deadliest, most elite strike
forces that the ancient world had to offer.
In our video discussing the Augustan reforms, we described the way cavalry units in the
very early Principate’s auxilia were organised. Auxiliary units made up of pure cavalry were
known as alae or ‘wings’, and comprised a total of either 512 or 768 horsemen, split
into turmae - squadrons of 32 men each. These ‘mounted legions’ were the pride of the
Roman auxilia. However, more numerous than the elite alae
were the various cohortes equitatae - 608 or 1,056 strong mixed units of both infantry
and cavalry. A step down in quality from their counterparts in the alae, men of the cohortes
equitatae were therefore not as well paid, armed or mounted.
Their duties differed just as their quality did. The various alae were intended as frontline,
battle-ready, crack cavalry units, who spent peacetime undergoing training exercises which
would keep them prepared for times of war, in which they would be expected to serve as
the empire’s highly-mobile strike force. In contrast, their comrades in the inferior
cohortes equitatae functioned partly as military units and partly in a support role. They would
take on duties such as patrolling to ensure all was in order, policing the provinces,
and performing escort duties. If a Roman tax collector needed a bit of muscle, an area
commander might send a detachment of cohortes equitatae with him. However, if a military
situation became desperate, the cavalry in each mixed unit would be extracted and then
merged together to form a makeshift alae of their own to supplement the superior quality
troops. Much like their counterparts in the infantry,
‘wings’ of auxiliary cavalrymen also possessed their own distinctive numbers and honorifics
drawn from their origin, history and achievements. A brilliant example of this is the cumulatively
titled ‘Ala Gallorum et Thracum Classiana invicta bis torquata civium Romanorum’.
This mouthful of a name in effect tells us part of the unit’s own collective story.
It was raised in Gaul to quell a revolt there during the reign of emperor Tiberius, and
thus Gauls made up much of its strength. However, at some point a large enough contingent of
Thracians was added that its name gained the ‘et Thracum’ phrase. This particular cavalry
unit’s first commander was Classius - hence ‘Classiana’ - and it was clearly an incredibly
prestigious and battle-hardened force, having gained the title of ‘invicta’ - ‘the
invincible’ - two medal-like golden torques, and the honour of Roman citizenship.
Such a force would have been one of the most revered in its local area, and we can picture
the ambitious men aspiring to be part of the Ala Gallorum for the prestige, honour, and
material benefits such a move would bring. Because the Romans themselves were an infantry-focused
people, horsemen of the auxilia were instead drawn from former enemies who had been “nurtured
in the saddle”, such as Germans, Celtiberians, Thracians, and especially Gauls, who made
up a massive 44.5% of auxiliary cavalrymen by the Flavian period.
Despite being formally considered supplemental to the legions, mounted units were in fact
becoming ever more important as the military’s role changed from expansion to defence. From
the start to the end of the first century AD, Rome’s legionary infantry strength only
grew by 28% from 300,000 to 385,000, while the cavalry forces more than doubled from
30,000 to 65,000. The equipment used by Roman cavalry units
is difficult to pinpoint due to its diverse origins, especially in the early Principate.
A lightly-armoured Numidian would bring different gear to the battle than a heavily-clad Gallic
nobleman. However, Rome’s tendency towards standardization, along with the Roman peoples’
lack of interest in horsemanship, meant both that cavalry equipment gradually became more
uniform, but that much of it was based on the ethnic origins of the auxilia units, such
as Celtic helmets. Said pieces of headgear were created especially
to deal with the problems that mounted troops had to face in battle, possessing a large
nape-guard to deflect blows aimed at the neck, and cheek-guards to protect the sides of a
face. As Roman cavalry gained more experience of the threats it faced and how to counter
them, the crown of Rome’s Celtic-inspired cavalry helmet was reinforced with rivet-secured
cross braces, which gradually rose until, in time, it formed a pointed peak. As their
main protection, a smaller, lighter variety of shield made of plywood and covered with
leather known as the clipeus, was used, which was either oval or hexagonal in shape. Most
cavalry would also clad themselves in one of three types of armour depending on preference
and the situation: scale - lorica squamata - mail - lorica hamata - or the famous segmented
lorica segmentata. As their primary offensive armament, first-century
Roman auxilia horsemen would carry up to three lancea. The dimensions of these light spears
probably weren’t completely uniform, but a benchmark was around 1.8 metres - or 6 feet
- long, suitable for either thrusting over-arm or throwing like a javelin. Because Arrian
tells us in his Tactica that cavalry might be expected to throw as many as 15 to 20 lancea
in their training exercises, it could also be the case that grooms would accompany alae
in battle, carrying additional spears to rearm the cavalry units.
When their javelins were exhausted, alae troops would draw their 65 to 91 centimetre long,
double-edged broadsword called a spatha. It had a parallel edge but tapered to a sharp
point, meaning that though as a cavalry sword it was mainly a slashing weapon, the point
could also be used to thrust if needed. For their ideal mount, Roman horsemen did
not require especially quick horses. Instead, it was far more important for the prospective
steed to be short, stocky, and compact, thereby increasing its load-bearing capacity and the
rider’s comfort. Analysis of nine horse remains found at the Newstead-Trimontium archaeological
site in southern Scotland showed that Roman horses were similar in their build to the
relatively small modern Welsh Mountain Pony. So, it is clear that these were certainly
not the massive destriers of Medieval Europe. On these mounts, Roman alae troopers would
sit in a so-called ‘four-horned saddle’, which had been introduced into the cavalry
by the time of Julius Caesar. To the Germans on the other bank of the Rhine, such equipment
was considered weak and ineffective, but it undoubtedly benefited the Romans. When the
rider’s weight was lowered onto this saddle, its four ‘horns’ would close and lightly
grip his thighs to give balance without being so tight as to inhibit movement. This gave
the horseman the ability to fight in melee with shield and spear, or to throw missiles
effectively whilst controlling the horse with the legs.
As the first century AD progressed, the Roman Empire began to experiment with new types
of exotic eastern cavalry, most prominently the extremely heavily armoured mounted unit
known as cataphractarii - a word derived from Greek meaning ‘completely enclosed’ or
‘totally armoured’. These units were not new to the Romans, who encountered very potent
cataphracts of the Seleucid Empire in 190BC at the Battle of Magnesia, and then 147 years
later came up against them again at Carrhae where the Parthians used heavily armoured
lancers to great effect. After Pompey’s conquest of the eastern Mediterranean,
Rome acquired a number of oriental client kingdoms who employed varying contingents
of cataphractarii. Over a century later, in the imperial period, eastern-style armoured
horsemen are noted among the numerous Roman-allied forces during the Jewish Revolt in 69AD, but
at this point they were only allied forces, rather than official units of the imperial
military. However, continuing pressure from the formerly nomadic Parthian Empire in the
east and the Sarmatian threat beyond the Danubian frontier - both of which employed cataphracts
- made the acquisition of Roman units of the same kind increasingly appealing, if for no
other reason than to counter enemy heavy cavalry. It was the Sarmatians, particularly a tribal
grouping amongst them known as the Roxolani, who influenced the first Roman cataphractarii.
They covered their entire bodies, along with the bodies of their horses, in iron scale,
lamellar or mail armour, using a heavy lance known as the contus Sarmaticus as their main
weapon. It was this relatively unwieldy mass-charge weapon which gave the first Roman cataphracts
their designation - Contarii.
It is possible that official Roman cataphractarii alae were utilised before the second century,
but the first time we see definitive proof of their existence is during the reign of
Emperor Hadrian, from 117 to 138. An inscription from the Italian city of Camerinum describes
how the cataphractarii of Ala I Gallorum and Pannoniorum served in Moesia [meesha] against
the increasing Sarmatian threat. Interestingly, it is possible that this unit was created
by reorganising, re-training and merging two previously depleted cavalry units - Ala I
Claudia Gallorum and Ala I Pannoniorum - together as cataphracts.
Since the troopers in these units were recruited in Gaul and the Balkans, it is clear that
even from such an early date, Roman Emperors were keen on universalising such a formidable
force throughout the empire as much as they could. Despite the fact that these units were
now integrated into the official Roman military, however, they were almost never granted citizenship.
Because of this, we can infer that early imperial cataphractarii units were still mostly made
up of foreigners such as Sarmatians who accepted service in the empire’s borders.
Half a century after the exploits of Hadrian’s new heavy cavalry, a unit of around 5,500
Sarmatian Iazyges tribesmen was sent to the town of Ribchester in Britannia after being
defeated by Marcus Aurelius, but not all of this group was made up of armoured cavalry,
many being infantry or even non-combatants. The increasing importance of fully armoured
cavalry as the Roman Empire progressed makes it necessary that we qualify the difference
between two ambiguous phrases relating to them - cataphractarii and clibanarii - the
latter being translated as ‘metallic furnace.’ We are never informed in the ancient sources
as to what the difference between them was, but we can nevertheless make a few educated
guesses based on unit structure, equipment, and tactics.
The first possibility is that units of clibanarii and cataphractarii were synonymous - that
they had the same equipment and origin - the only difference being their names. Other scholars
believe that clibanarii were more extreme in terms of their heavy equipment, possibly
serving as the fully-clad horse and rider combination which made them almost unassailable
in the right circumstances, whereas ordinary cataphracts may have had slightly lighter
armour or an unarmoured horse. It is also possible that it was battlefield formations
rather than equipment which served as the clibanarii - cataphractarii distinction. Author
Mariusz Mielczarek argued that the cataphract was a heavy mounted spearman fighting in extremely
close ranks, filing in column order, while the clibanarii were employed in shock-based
wedge formations. It seems that units of super-heavy cavalry
were not all focused on charging en masse into enemies formations with the lance. Many
of them, particularly those raised in areas with a nomadic tradition, combined their cataphractarius
armour and mounted archery to create a unique force of totally-armoured heavy horse archers,
known as the equites sagittarii clibanarii. A contingent of these troops were recruited
from the eastern regions of Osrhoene and Armenia by Alexander Severus during his campaign against
Sassanid Persia in 234. After that war concluded, the eastern cavalry accompanied their emperor
to the western provinces and fought for years against the Germanic tribes with lethal effectiveness.
Just to illustrate that older styles of cavalry were indeed still in use alongside the new
heavier units however, mounted archers fought against the Germans together with contingents
made up of light Mauretanian javelineers. From the third-century onward, usage of cataphracts
of all kinds became more common until they eventually emerged as one of the foremost
elite troop types of the entire Roman military, even serving as units of the scholaris - imperial
guard contingents created by Constantine after he disbanded the Praetorians.
Their distinctive protection and weaponry gave Roman cataphracts a reputation of almost
invincibility, which comes down to us in the sources even today. But what exactly were
they equipped with? Like significant amounts of cavalry armament in the history of the
Roman Empire, cataphractarii equipment was either directly looted from or inspired by
the equipment of enemy mounted units, from peoples such as the Sarmatians or Persians.
As described before, the main weapon of most cataphracts was the contus Sarmaticus, a 13
to 15 foot or 4 to 4.5 metre long heavy lance. For scale, this size made it only a small
degree shorter than the famous sarissa used by Alexander’s phalangites.
In contrast to the vast majority of mounted unit types of the age - who usually used a
weapon in one hand and a shield in the other, cataphractarii used the contus as a two-handed
weapon, holding it at the horse’s flank during a charge. The smaller secondary weapon
of individual cataphracts probably depended on personal preference or the judgement of
a unit commander. A variety of swords were used, including longer Sarmatian pieces, and
even an exotic weapon all the way from China, which was found in a famous burial site of
a Romano-Thracian cavalryman at Chatalka in modern Bulgaria.
Other Roman cataphract secondary weapons included spiked maces, adapted from the Persians, and
heavy axes, which the Notitia Dignitatum tells us the imperial guard cavalry of the fourth-century
used in battle. The early use by heavy cavalrymen of missile weapons such as bows depended almost
entirely on whether the cavalrymen were trained in its use by origin. On Trajan’s column,
for example, heavily armed, nomadic Sarmatians are shown to be pivoting in the saddle in
a ‘Parthian Shot’ position. As mentioned earlier, a bow was also the main weapon of
Alexander Severus’ Osrhoenian heavy cavalry. Such a weapon had a composite wooden shaft
with a glued layer of sinew covering the outside, while bone nock-plates were applied on the
tips. Late in the empire, it seems that most units of heavy cavalry - sagittarii clibanarii
- were equipped much like the mounted archer of the steppe, able to shoot from horseback
whilst also retaining the impact of a charging lancer. For their defensive equipment, the
general trend is that over time, cataphractarii armour gradually expanded to shield as much
of the horseman’s body as possible, almost totally enclosing the rider from the outside
world and creating what was considered to be an ‘ancient tank’.
To protect their head and neck, Roman cataphracts wore an improved version of the ‘egg-shaped’
Sarmatian helmet. These were the prototype for a subsequent variant of conical helmet
known as a spangenhelm, which also took inspiration from pieces of Parthian equipment. The headgear
of an ordinary Roman cataphract could be worn with a mail section covering the cavalryman’s
face for extra protection. However, it was also common for officers, standard-bearers
and other higher ranking soldiers to adorn their helmets with a mask, appearing like
a face. A famous example of the mask-helmet once again comes from the Romano-Thracian
cavalryman burial at Chatalka. To mark their prestige, helmets were also
adorned with crests, feathers of bright colours, and other decorations that the soldier or
officer might be able to afford. Such displays might also have had the effect of intimidating
enemy troops facing off against them. Ammianus Marcellinus articulates the reputation of
cataphracts, and gives us a vivid image of their body and limb armour when he says, “The
equites cataphractarii were so protected by armoured coverings and belts of steel, that
you might think them statues chiselled by the hand of Praxiletes, not men.” - Praxiletes
was the greatest Athenian sculptor of the 4th century BC. From this description, we
can distinguish a sense of inhumanity about the cataphracts, that these elite horsemen
ceased being human and were instead a kind of golem upon donning their armour and helmet,
purely focused on war.
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