Judy: Between the war in Ukraine
and tensions with China,
president Biden's handling of
foreign policy issues is being
put to the test.
In former secretary of state
Henry Kissinger's new book,
leadership, six studies in world
strategy, he examines how past
leaders and the era after the
world wars faced challenges of
their times.
I sat down with a 99-year-old
veteran diplomat in his New York
City office yesterday to discuss
the Ukraine war, the state of
global politics, and much more.
In this latest book, you tell us
the story of six leaders on the
world stage after World War II.
You say they were both statesmen
and prophets.
My first question is, is there
anyone in the world today, world
leader, who comes close to
embodying the qualities of these
six that you portray in the
book?
Mr. Kissinger: Not in my
observation.
Of course, many of the
contemporary leaders haven't
finished their careers yet.
And maybe they haven't faced
their big challenges yet.
But the reason I wrote about
these six is because they made a
difference in the evolution of
their societies.
And maybe one can learn
something from them at a time
when the transformation of
societies is one of the big
issues almost everywhere.
Judy: One American president you
choose is Richard Nixon.
We were talking about this
controversial figure in large
part because of the war in
Vietnam.
You write about his opening to
China that was brilliant.
Then the war in Vietnam
prolonged war years and
thousands of Americans died.
There were so many things that
came from that that arguably led
to Richard Nixon --
Mr. Kissinger: He destroyed
himself.
It was partly because of the
atmosphere domestically.
It had grown up from the war in
Vietnam.
But it's important to look at
all that have been going on in
previous administrations.
The deployment of 500,000 troops
was what Nixon inherited.
You said he prolonged the war.
That implies he could have ended
it earlier on terms that the
American people could understand
.
And we settled.
As soon as we agreed to the fact
that south Vietnam's people had
the right to choose their own
government.
But it took nearly four years to
get there.
But our predecessors hadn't even
started negotiations yet.
So it wasn't so simple.
Judy: It remains something that
people identify with Richard
Nixon.
I want to turn you to the main
conflict in the world today,
Ukraine.
Do you see this going on until
the two sides are exhausted or
is there a quicker way to bring
it to an end?
Mr. Kissinger: A curious aspect
of this war is it almost looks
like World War I.
If one side clearly wins, it
will have a found consequences.
-- Profound consequences.
I think negotiation is
desirable.
I said so in Davos and I was
attacked for it.
But I think we will be heading
in that direction.
Judy: Your comments at Davos to
draw criticism and attention.
They said you were arguing for
Ukraine to give up territory.
Mr. Kissinger: The funny thing
is I did not say that.
What I said was a cease-fire
line should be drawn.
That Russia should not gain
anything from the war.
Judy: They have crimea.
If Russia were to say, let's
have a truce.
Should Ukraine go along with
that and let them have what
they've got?
Mr. Kissinger: It there country.
If they decide that, we would
have to accept that.
I hope that that decision will
not be made.
Judy: The U.S. And nato say they
are prepared to do whatever it
takes.
But does that mean indefinitely?
Mr. Kissinger: That is the
question.
I hope the negotiated outcome
will be found.
Dangerous for nato and for the
problems we faced.
Judy: Do you believe XI jinping
is looking at this and thinking
that he is more likely to want
to take over Taiwan or less
likely?
Mr. Kissinger: He must know that
an attack designed to take it
over is going to be resisted by
America.
I think an all-out attack on
Taiwan is the last thing that
the Chinese plan right now.
Judy: Would it be better for the
U.S. To drop any ambiguity about
Taiwan and its relationship with
China and just say flatly, the
U.S. Will defend Taiwan?
Mr. Kissinger: If we abandon
that and declare Taiwan an
independent country, then China
will almost be forced to
undertake military action.
Because they fought so long and
so fiercely a part of their
domestic problem.
The ambiguity is to prevent
that.
But it also needs to be for --
Judy: I hear you say the U.S.
Has made it clear enough it will
come to Taiwan's defense.
Mr. Kissinger: I think so.
Judy: Different subject, Dr.
Kissinger.
Former president trump, the
January 6 committee looking into
his actions and the actions of
people around him leading up to
the attack on the capital last
year.
From your perspective as someone
who knows international fears,
what do you think he did to
America upon role in the world
-- America's role in the world
during his four years in office?
Mr. Kissinger: When he started
and asserted the American
national interest and not only
abstract principles, I had
sympathy for him.
But as his position developed of
being so centrally focused,
turning issues into
confrontations, I became less
enthusiastic.
I wasn't enthusiastic, but I was
hoping.
I met with him several times
when he became president.
At the end, for an American
president to challenge the
constitution and to try to
overthrow the constitution is a
grave matter.
I find no excuse for that.
Judy: Do you think he should be
prevented from running for
president again?
Mr. Kissinger: I think if he
runs, it should be weighed by
people who vote.
Judy: Dr. Henry Kissinger
writing books at the age of 99.
Thank you very much.