Mr. President, you just spent two weeks in quarantine. How are you feeling now?
Everything was fine, I’m well, I wasn’t infected. But after 14 days I can say: One
should avoid quarantine if possible. I’m glad I can meet people face to face again.
Once again, brutal crimes have been committed in France. How is it possible, do you think,
that this can happen in the center of Europe? Of course our thoughts are, above all, with
the relatives who have our sympathy. But I believe what we must do now in Europe, not
just in France, is to stand up to this act of brutality and the Islamist motives behind
it. We should do that. Many people in Europe have done that. And it’s good that representatives
of Muslim states also joined in this condemnation. Do you fear that there could also be attacks
in Germany? Most recently we had an attack in Dresden
where one person was wounded and another died. So we cannot pretend that we are immune to
such attacks here in Germany. On the contrary, we have to remain vigilant. Indeed, the security
services are vigilant. But in our democratic societies, we shouldn’t base the response
of the state on a course determined by hate and xenophobia. Acceptance and mutual respect
are a part of our society. And so, standing up to such acts of brutal violence, and Islamist
motives is one thing, the other is trying to maintain the openness of our society. That's
the other challenge. You were speaking about the role of Muslim
associations. What role do the verbal attacks of President Erdogan play in the escalation?
They are not helpful at all, that’s beyond doubt. I hope that this escalation, which
we’ve noted, this noticeably harsher rhetoric, didn’t lead to possible perpetrators feeling
encouraged. Mr. Steinmeier, we are in the middle of the
coronavirus crisis. Germany is facing a partial lockdown. Have we lost control?
We certainly are in a critical phase. That is true for many states in Europe, but also
for Germany. We are in a situation where the number of infections is rising every day,
reaching new records. This is also a practical test for democracy in Germany. Either we manage
to reduce the number of infections significantly with the means at our disposal, or the situation
will get out of control. I am confident that we will succeed in pushing back the rate of
infection. Still, the question remains, faced with such
heavy measures – what is more important, the health of the population or their basic
freedoms? I’m convinced that most people realize that
these burdens are necessary at this point, so we don’t have to experience what some
of our neighbors have experienced – hospitals overflowing, highly infectious patients having
to lie in corridors, or who can’t be admitted at all. We must avoid pushing the health system
beyond its limits, that is the central goal now. I think that people understand that.
Nevertheless, resistance to these measures is growing across Europe, and also in Germany.
We can expect a long, hard winter. Are politicians not driving more and more people into the
arms of conspiracy theorists and radicals? Of course, we know this from health emergencies
in the past - the longer such a pandemic lasts, the greater the strains are – and the stronger
the criticism of restrictions. But the number of people who consider the restrictions to
be correct or are demanding stricter measures is currently growing faster than the number
of critics. In this respect, it's not so much the numbers that worry me, but the abrasiveness
of the argument. There is hardly a bridge between those who say, yes, that is correct
- and those who either don't consider the coronavirus a danger, or completely reject
restrictions. I've tried myself to bring supporters and opponents together. This can be done in
smaller groups. But on a larger scale, the conversation has indeed become more difficult.
Those people who are now abandoning dialogue, who are changing to the side of the radicals,
how can they be brought back to a democratic discourse?
You cannot force someone into a democratic discourse. Politicians constantly have to
take on the task of explaining in a transparent manner what they’re doing and why certain
measures are required. With the number of infections rising, those that assert that
we are dealing with a simple flu, that we politicians are cooking up a storm, are themselves
increasingly under pressure. Mr. President – in a few days, a new president
will be elected in the United States. How important is that election?
Of course, this is, first of all, important for the U.S. itself. But the election on November
3 will have a global impact. Regardless of who wins – I hope that afterwards the United
States will again develop the ability to have a shared idea about the future of their country.
And what’s important for us as Europeans is to also understand that the European project,
with European integration and cooperation, is invested in the transatlantic relationship.
This has not been the case recently. But I hope that new understanding for Europe will
grow. Supposing that there’s a change of president
in the White House. Will the transatlantic relationship be okay?
I think we Europeans, and especially we Germans, must force ourselves to take a realistic look
at the changed situation, one in which the U.S. also finds itself. With the end of the
Cold War, with the realization that Russia is no longer the number one threat for the
U.S., but that the security threats for the United States might come from other corners
of the world, a reorientation has occurred. This political reorientation, or let's say
this focus on China and East Asia, that’s something that began before Trump — but
not with the aggressiveness with which the dispute with China is being sought now.
What does that mean for German policy? I am firmly convinced that what first of all
needs to happen is to recognize that our national interest is Europe. But perhaps this coronavirus
crisis has shown how important European cooperation is. There was a really, perhaps unexpected,
but courageous decision by the European heads of government in July regarding the really
substantial European reconstruction fund. I see that there are joint European efforts,
for example, in the development, production and distribution of a vaccine. And just recently,
decisions were made to enable cross-border aid when hospitals in border areas overflow
and capacities are still available on the other side. That means that Europe is learning
— even in the crisis — and I hope that this attitude of learning from one another
will continue. But investing in Europe is one of the tasks I think Germany will continue
to face. Mr. Steinmeier, the relationship with Russia
is at its lowest point - most recently due to the poisoning of Alexej Navalny. Are you
concerned? I’m concerned about Navalny being poisoned,
but my concern actually dates back a long time. Of course, one should mention the illegal
annexation of Crimea, where I fear that Moscow has not properly understood the shock that
it caused in Europe - and not just in Eastern Europe. What followed didn’t change things
for the better. Members of the opposition in Russia came increasingly under pressure.
Some have to fear for their lives...some have lost it, right up to the Tiergarten murder
and Navalny. This has put us in a situation where the distance has grown, without a doubt.
I believe we shouldn’t just let this process of alienation continue. Our history in Europe,
but also the geographical location, with Russia as a neighbor, makes it necessary to look
for opportunities, again and again, to counter that.
But as I say, you cannot change this unilaterally. This also requires the will and understanding
of the Russian side. It sounds as though they aren’t giving enough?
In my opinion, it’s too little, yes. Developments in the U.S., Russia and China
show how important it is for Germany to take on a leadership role. How much is Germany
ready for? We need an understanding in Germany that this
country is important in Europe. If we invest in Europe, others will too. Due to our geographical
location and history, we have the task of building bridges that need to be built in
Europe between East and West. Bridges across some of the misunderstandings and cracks that
have appeared in the past year. But what’s more important still, is understanding that
we also have to invest in Europe in terms of security policy. On the one hand, this
means making Europe stronger and, on the other hand, as I said recently, it also means significantly
strengthening the European pillar in NATO. Both are necessary.
Mr. Steinmeier, next year we have federal elections in Germany. This also marks the
end of Angela Merkel's political era. Isn't Germany losing influence with the Chancellor,
both internationally and in Europe? First of all, it is quite natural that if
someone had the opportunity to gain political experience after so many years in government
office, and even more importantly, had the opportunity to expand a political network
in all European countries and far beyond ... whoever becomes a successor will start differently.
In this respect, these are big shoes to fill, but that doesn’t mean that the successor
is denied the opportunity to develop a similar influence over the years. But, that's not
that easy, you're right, the shoes are big. Mr. Steinmeier, thank you for the interview.
I thank you.