Speaker 1: OK, last thing on again, every day we are learning more about the insanity
that took place in the aftermath of the November election and in the lead up to the Jan. six riots.
By now, you have no doubt heard if you've been watching my show listening to the podcast over
the last year, all of the different ways in which they were trying to get a hold of the fact
that Joe Biden won the election and that they wanted to try to overturn it. We've talked about
63 court filings, all of which were found to be without merit, some to be. Some were found
where there was no standing and many of them found to be without merit. We've learned about,
Oh, Mike Pence is going to flip the election somehow, either by something he does himself or
by sending it back to the states or, you know, whatever the case may be. We also heard about
declaring a national emergency slash martial law. And there was this idea of seizing the
voting machines. Now what you do with the voting machines, once you sees them to flip results, we
can speculate. We don't exactly know. But we now have reason to believe that Donald Trump himself,
who is shocked by this. Donald Trump himself was much more involved than previously known
in the plan to seize those voting machines. The New York Times breaking the story This week,
Trump had role in weighing proposals to seize voting machines. New accounts
show that the former president was more directly involved than previously known in plans
developed by outside advisers to use national security agencies to seek evidence of fraud
six weeks after Election Day, with his hold on power slipping. Trump directed Giuliani to make
a remarkable call. Trump wanted him to ask DHS if it could legally take control of voting machines
in key swing states, three people familiar with the matter said. Remember that Giuliani did so,
calling the department's acting deputy secretary, who said he lacked the authority
to audit or impound the machines. Trump pressed Giuliani to make the inquiry
after rejecting a separate effort by his outside advisers to have the Pentagon take control of
the machines. And the outreach to the Department of Homeland Security came not long after Trump,
in an Oval Office meeting with then-Attorney General William Barr, raised the possibility
of whether the Justice Department could seize the machines. A previously undisclosed suggestion that
Mr Barr immediately shot down the new accounts show that Trump was more directly involved than
previously known in exploring these proposals to seize voting machines as he grasped unsuccessfully
for evidence of fraud that could help him reverse the 2020 election. Right now, everyone's attention
is focused on the coup and on election fraud, and that makes sense. But look
at how much we've learned just about that and then think, imagine for a moment how much other
crazy stuff was going on that we still don't know anything about that will likely be uncovered
about the last four years. It will probably take conservatively, another four years
to figure all of that out. And it could even take a closer to eight to 10 years for it all
to shake out in terms of its repercussions. It's very clear that they did attempt a coup.
But they seemed not that competent at it. They seemed as competent at at doing the coup
as they were at governing when Donald Trump was president, and it failed and it became a sideshow.
But we can't write it off and not worry because, as I said earlier, DeSantis is a more competent
Trump and that makes him more dangerous. And these same techniques now with the experience of 2020,
knowing where the hold ups were, knowing where it ended up stalling with a more competent person at
the helm could be a very dangerous proposition. And we've heard from retired military generals
who say if Trump had had the generals on his side could have been a very different outcome. We've
heard about if there had been more willingness in the House and particularly the Senate
to attempt to reject or challenge some of the results in a more serious way
in multiple states. It could have been a different outcome now. One more thought about this Trump
role in trying to seize voting machines. Remember when William Barr quit seemingly out of the blue
as attorney general on December 23rd, December 23rd was the date
of William Barr's resignation letter. Did William Barr see the writing on the wall
about what was coming on January 6th? Maybe not specifically, but knowing this is potentially bad,
and I don't want to be associated with it. And that's why he abruptly quit. Because if
you consider the timing, the meetings where the idea of a national emergency was floated,
the meetings where the question about can we seize the voting machines? All of this stuff happened
between the November election and December 23rd when William Barr quit. And it seems plausible,
at least, that Barr knew or suspected that something insane was coming and decided to
get the hell out of there before. It doesn't make Barr any better of an attorney general. It's just
Barr acting out of self-interest. The timing makes sense at some point. Maybe we'll know for sure