SECRETARY KERRY: Well, good evening and – excuse me – thank you all very, very much for your
patience.
And I want to start by expressing an enormous thank you, merci, danke, to the people and
the Government of Switzerland for their incredible generosity.
The way in which they have welcomed us and the amount of effort is really extraordinary,
and we’re very, very grateful to them.
And throughout this entire process, certainly over the past week, the people of Switzerland
have gone above and beyond in order to facilitate these negotiations, and I don’t think anybody
could imagine a much more peaceful setting in order to pursue a peaceful path forward.
(In French.)
I also want to thank the very many other nations that have provided a home for these negotiations
over the past couple of years – people forget that, it’s been going on that long – and
that includes Austria, which was incredibly generous in hosting our delegation in Vienna
for a long period of time; Oman, which has not only hosted a number of important meetings,
but also played a critical role in getting these talks off the ground in the first place;
and then, of course, we say thank you to Turkey, Russia, Kazakhstan, Iraq, and my home country,
the United States.
I particularly want to thank President Obama.
He has been courageous and determined in his pursuit of a diplomatic path.
And from the day that he took office, President Obama has been crystal-clear that a nuclear-armed
Iran would pose a threat to our security and the security of our allies in the region,
including Israel.
He has been just as clear that the best and most effective way to prevent that threat
is through diplomacy.
The journey towards a diplomatic solution began years ago.
And I can tell you that I’ve personally been involved for about four years, beginning
from the time that I was serving in the United States Senate.
Others have been on this journey, and some of the others in our team, for even longer
than that.
But as Foreign Minister Zarif and High Representative Mogherini announced moments ago, today we
have reached a critical milestone in that quest.
We, our P5+1, EU partners, and Iran have arrived at a consensus on the key parameters of an
arrangement that, once implemented, will give the international community confidence that
Iran’s nuclear program is and will remain exclusively peaceful.
And over the coming weeks, with all of the conditions of the 2013 Joint Plan of Action
still in effect from this moment forward, our experts will continue to work hard to
build on the parameters that we have arrived at today and finalize a comprehensive deal
by the end of June.
Now we have said from the beginning – I think you’ve heard me say it again and again
– that we will not accept just any deal, that we will only accept a good deal.
And today, I can tell you that the political understanding with details that we have reached
is a solid foundation for the good deal that we are seeking.
It is the foundation for a deal that will see Iran reduce its stockpile of enriched
uranium by 98 percent for 15 years.
It is a deal in which Iran will cut its installed centrifuges by more than two-thirds for 10
years.
It is a deal that will increase Iran’s breakout time, which was confirmed publicly today to
be two to three months, and that is the time that it would take Iran to speed up its enrichment
in order to produce enough fissile material for one potential nuclear weapon.
And that will be expanded now, under this deal, to one year from those two to three
months.
That is obviously as much as six times what it is today, and what it has been for the
past three years.
I’d like also to make one more point very, very clear because it has been misinterpreted
and misstated, misrepresented for much of this discussion: There will be no sunset to
the deal that we are working to finalize – no sunset, none.
The parameters of this agreement will be implemented in phases.
Some provisions will be in place for 10 years; others will be in place for 15 years; others
still will be in place for 25 years.
But certain provisions, including many transparency measures, will be in place indefinitely into
the future.
They will never expire.
And the bottom line is that, under this arrangement, the international community will have confidence
that Iran’s nuclear program is exclusively peaceful, providing, of course, that the provisions
are adhered to.
And if they aren’t, we have provisions that empower us to deal with that.
Ultimately, the parameters that we have agreed to will do exactly what we set out to do – make
certain that all pathways to make enough fissile material for one nuclear weapon have been
cut off, including the uranium pathway at Natanz and Fordow, and the plutonium pathway
at Arak, and, of course, the covert pathway.
Now we, our partners, and Iran have agreed that the only uranium-enrichment facility
Iran will operate moving forward will be the facility at Natanz.
And even that one will undergo dramatic changes.
The vast majority of the centrifuges and their infrastructure will be removed.
And for at least the next 15 years, the stockpile will remain at 300 kilograms.
And any uranium that is enriched at Natanz will be capped at 3.67 percent, which is a
typical level of enrichment for civilian nuclear power, but doesn’t even begin to approach
the enrichment level necessary for a weapon.
We have agreed that the facility at Fordow will halt all uranium enrichment, period – all
uranium enrichment, and in fact, there will not even be any fissile material present at
the site and no enrichment R&D.
Instead, the facility will be converted into a nuclear physics and technology center.
We have also agreed that Iran will redesign and rebuild its heavy-water reactor at Arak
so that it will no longer produce any weapons-grade plutonium.
And the United States will be able to sign off, certify, the reactor’s final design,
redesign.
And through international cooperation, it will be transformed into a reactor supporting
only peaceful nuclear research and nuclear medicine.
And the calandria, as you heard earlier, will be taken out and destroyed.
We have agreed that Iran will ship all of its spent fuel from the Arak reactor out of
the country for the reactor’s lifetime.
And Iran has agreed to refrain from building any additional heavy-water reactors for the
next 15 years at least – “at least” means still open for beyond that period in
the course of the next three months.
And we have agreed that Iran will face regular and comprehensive inspections, which is the
best possible way to detect any attempt to covertly produce a weapon.
Not only will inspectors have regular access to all of Iran’s declared facilities indefinitely,
but they will also be able to monitor the facilities that produce the centrifuges themselves
and the uranium that supports the nuclear program.
And they will be able to do that for at least 20 years.
This critical step will help to guard against diversion of those materials to any clandestine
location or plant.
In addition, Iran has agreed to allow IAEA to investigate any suspicious site or any
allegations of covert nuclear activities anywhere.
So these are just a few of the key – and I mean a few – of the key measures that
will make up an extraordinarily comprehensive monitoring and transparency regime when and
if it is finally signed and completed over the course of the next months.
Now we have been very clear, both publicly and privately, a final agreement will not
rely on promises.
It will rely on proof.
It is important to note that Iran, to date, has honored all of the commitments that it
made under the Joint Plan of Action that we agreed to in 2013.
And I ask you to think about that against the backdrop of those who predicted that it
would fail and not get the job done.
And in return for Iran’s future cooperation, we and our international partners will provide
relief in phases from the sanctions that have impacted Iran’s economy.
And if we find at any point that Iran is not complying with this agreement, the sanctions
can snap back into place.
So together these parameters outline a reasonable standard that Iran can readily meet, and it
is the standard that Iran has now agreed to meet.
Throughout history, diplomacy has been necessary to prevent wars and to define international
boundaries, to design institutions, and to develop global norms.
Simply demanding that Iran capitulate makes a nice soundbite, but it’s not a policy.
It is not a realistic plan.
So the true measure of this understanding is not whether it meets all the desires of
one side at the expense of the other.
The test is whether or not it will leave the world safer or more secure than it would be
without this agreement.
And there can be no question that the comprehensive plan that we are moving toward will more than
pass that test.
This isn’t just my assessment.
It isn’t just the assessment of the United States delegation and our experts.
It is the assessment of every one of our P5+1 partners who stood up here a little while
ago in front of the flags of their nations.
It is the assessment of our negotiating partners – Germany, the UK, China, France, and Russia
– and all of our experts who have analyzed every aspect of this issue also join in that
assessment.
From the beginning, we have negotiated as a team, and we are all agreed that this is
the best outcome achievable.
No viable alternatives – not one – would be nearly as effective at preventing Iran
from obtaining a nuclear weapon than – over a period of time than the parameters, providing
they get completed and are signed.
Our political understanding arrived at today opens the door for a long-term resolution
to the international community’s concerns about Iran’s nuclear program.
Now, we have no illusions about the fact that we still have a ways to travel before we’ll
arrive at the destination that we seek.
We still have many technical details to work out on both sides and still some other issues
that we acknowledge still have to be resolved; for example, the duration of the UN arms and
ballistic missile restrictions on Iran and the precise timing of and mechanism for the
conversion of the Arak reactor and Fordow site.
And of course, once we’re able to finalize a comprehensive deal, the process of implementation
then remains in front of us as well.
But that’s a good challenge to have, frankly.
Throughout this negotiation, we have made a diligent effort to consult with our allies,
our partners, including Israel and the Gulf states, and we have vigorously reaffirmed
our enduring commitment to their security.
No one should mistake that.
And we will continue to stand by that commitment in the years and days ahead.
Obviously, we remain deeply concerned about Iran’s destabilizing actions in the region,
and we remain fully committed to addressing the full slate of issues that we currently
have with Iran.
But it is because we are so concerned about those issues and about the region’s security.
Precisely because of that concern that we believe this deal is critical.
The status quo with respect to Iran’s nuclear program is unacceptable.
And certainly, we will continue to consult closely in the days ahead with the United
States Congress.
They and we understand that an Iran that had a nuclear weapon in the context of today’s
troubles would be even more problematic.
I spent almost 30 years in the United States Senate, and I had the privilege and the responsibility
of chairing the Foreign Relations Committee when we put tough sanctions in place when
this regime was put in place.
And that is the regime that indeed has brought this negotiation about.
We are deeply grateful for Congress’s support of the diplomatic path to date, and we appreciate
their patience.
There were those agitating to take action earlier.
Responsible voices held off and they helped us to get to this moment, and we appreciate
that.
We sincerely hope that members will continue to give us the time and the space that we
need to fully explain the political agreement that we have reached and to work out the remaining
details of a final deal.
Before I take a few questions, I just want to take a moment to thank some very important
people.
The team that has been assembled throughout this process is really made up of an extraordinary
group of public servants, and believe me, they have served their country and the world
well in these days.
I want to thank my Cabinet colleague, Secretary of Energy Ernie Moniz, who was indispensable
in his knowledge and his technical expertise to be able to sit down and work through some
very complex issues.
His background as a nuclear scientist and his expertise was essential in helping us
to arrive at this moment.
I also particularly want to thank my colleague at the State Department, the Under Secretary
of State Wendy Sherman.
She has been absolutely superb, indefatigable, organized, strong, clear, visionary, and we
are grateful.
I also want to thank the remarkable team of experts who haven’t slept in days, who’ve
kept working, who have chased down numbers on – instantaneous call at any hour, and
that goes for the team back home in the United States in the laboratories, in the White House,
in the State Department, all of whom have contributed to our ability to be able to know
what we are doing and to be able to put this initial agreement together.
Now I want to thank the delegations also from the P5+1 countries.
As I said earlier, this is a team effort, partnership, and each and every one of their
political directors, each and every one of their experts, was essential to help chase
down details, help us create a consensus, help us check our own figures and our own
thoughts about this effort.
And I particularly thank Foreign Minister Laurent Fabius of France, Foreign Secretary
Hammond from the United Kingdom, Foreign Minister Lavrov from Russia, Foreign Minister Steinmeier
from Germany, and Foreign Minister Wang Yi from China.
Every one of them showed an extraordinary commitment to this effort, and they have all
contributed to this outcome.
And it has been a real partnership, with every country weighing in, every country concerned,
every country making suggestions.
And I believe that their presence here tonight, their affirmation of this opportunity to try
to finalize a deal over the next three months, is a critical component of credibility that
should be given to this effort.
I also want to thank the EU for its facilitation of these talks.
That begins with Dame Cathy Ashton, who spent many, many hours over several years helping
to guide these talks.
She worked all the way through last December, and her efforts were essential in getting
the formal negotiations structured.
Her successor, Federica Mogherini, has seized the baton and done an excellent job of filling
right in and helping to move the process forward, and we thank both of them.
And Federica’s deputy has just been superb.
Helga Schmid, who has been the critical link between the EU and the entire P5+1 – we
are very, very grateful for her stamina and her creativity and commitment.
Finally, I want to acknowledge the hard work of the Iranian delegation led by Foreign Minister
Zarif and Dr. Salehi.
From the beginning, they have approached these talks with great professionalism and with
seriousness of purpose.
They’ve been difficult – at times extremely intense; at times emotional; always challenging.
Not all of our meetings were easy.
In fact, many were quite difficult because the passions are there for everybody.
But we have shown, I think, diligence and respect on all sides and always kept the objective,
which is a peaceful resolution of this issue, in mind.
I emphasize: We still have a lot of work to do.
We have agreed on the most challenging and overarching issues, but now there are a number
of technical decisions that need to be made, and there are still policy decisions that
have to be made.
But we have the outline; we have the basic framing, if you will – the construction.
And as we continue on, the United States and our P5+1 partners will exhibit the same vigilance,
the same unity of purpose, the same comprehensive approach, and the same good faith among us
that has brought us this far.
So thank you, and I’d be happy to answer any questions.
MS.
HARF: Great, thank you.
The first question is from Indira Lakshmanan of Bloomberg News.
I think a mike should be coming to you.
QUESTION: Thanks, Marie.
Is this on?
Okay.
Secretary Kerry, can you tell us which gaps you were unable to reach understanding on,
and are any elements not being made public?
How long will it take Iran to comply so that sanctions can be eased, and could the deal
fall through over the next three months?
And lastly, will the three Americans being held in Iran be released as a goodwill measure
if this deal is completed?
Thank you.
SECRETARY KERRY: Well, yeah, of course.
I mean, we have acknowledged there are some gaps.
I just listed a few of them a moment ago for you.
There are issues that we have to resolve.
And I’m not going to go into all of them right now, but I think I listed several of
them in my comments.
We have to finish dealing with Fordow, in some respects, with respect to transition.
That’s one of the things we’re going to be looking at and talking about.
We have other considerations with respect to the sanctions themselves and the rate and
timing and so forth.
But I don’t think it serves any great purpose to go through all that now.
In the days ahead, there will be plenty of time to focus on that with Congress and others,
and we look forward to those consultations.
It’s really a matter of anywhere from probably six months to a year or so that it will take
to begin to comply with all of the nuclear steps that need to be taken in order to then
begin into the phasing.
Those steps have to happen first.
And in the meantime, the interim agreement – the JPOA, as it’s called, Joint Plan
of Action – will continue to be implemented in full.
And so we believe there is a full continuity in the oversight and accountability that is
necessary to proceed forward.
And finally, with respect to our citizens, we, of course, have had a number of conversations;
and no meeting, no date when we come together, has been without conversation about our American
citizens.
I’m not going to go into any details, except to say to you that that conversation is continuing.
We have a very specific process in place to try to deal with it.
And we call on Iran again today, now, in light of this, to release these Americans and let
them get home with their families.
And we’re working on that and we will continue to be very focused on it.
MS.
HARF: The next question is from Amir Paivar of BBC Persia.
QUESTION: Thank you very much, Secretary Kerry, for the opportunity.
As the business correspondent for my channel, the single one question every Iranian, from
ordinary Iranians to those in boardrooms of Iranian companies, have been asking me is
if on July 1st we have a joint comprehensive plan of action how fast, in what sequence,
and in what format will economic sanctions, more specifically banking sanctions, which
have been hurting many Iranians inside and outside the country, will be removed?
I do understand you said that it will depend on compliance from Iran, but if you could
just give us a bit more precise idea.
And also if I can, second question is – you have been – Foreign Secretary Zarif seems
to have the world record of having face time with you thanks to these negotiations.
Would you say these negotiations will help in future to improve ties between Iran and
United States?
SECRETARY KERRY: Well, on the latter question, all I can do is hope, like I think most citizens
would hope.
I would assume, from what we pick up through the diaspora and otherwise with respect to
Iran, there are many, many Iranians who hope that they can join the world.
But I’m not going to speculate on that.
I have no idea.
It would depend entirely on the resolution of a lot of things as we go forward.
The one thing we do know is that if we can eliminate this question of the nuclear issue,
it begins to at some point, conceivably, provide an opportunity for change.
I’m not going to predict anything.
But I do know that stopping having a nuclear weapon makes the world safer, and that is
what President Obama and all of us have been focused on.
With respect to the negotiations, I think – what was the first part of your question?
It was about --
QUESTION: It’s about sanctions.
SECRETARY KERRY: Oh, the sanctions, yes.
On the sanctions, as I said, they were phased.
There are a set of requirements, for instance, the dismantlement of some of the centrifuges
and the dismantlement of the infrastructure that is associated with those centrifuges.
Iran has a responsibility to get the breakout time to the one year.
And they can do it as fast as they want, and I assume will try to do it very rapidly.
But we think that just the amount of work and the things they have to do will be somewhere
in the vicinity of four (inaudible) months to a year, somewhere in there.
I can’t say for certain.
But when that is done and certified by the IAEA that they have lived up to that nuclear
responsibility, and we make that judgment with them, at that point in time the – there
would begin the phasing of the sanctions.
And we have stated very clearly that that will begin with the suspension with respect
to the economic and financial sanctions at that point in time.
So there will be – I mean, this is part of the nature of any negotiation.
In exchange for the restraints and restrictions that Iran is putting in place here, we will,
indeed, take the very tool that was calculated to bring people to negotiate, once it has
succeeded in achieving the goal, we will begin to phase those out.
And that timing on other parts of that obviously remains still to be negotiated.
But on the finance and the banking component, the economic components, those the President
has committed to move on when that first phase is complete, and we move on to the next phase
of implementation.
MS.
HARF: The final question’s from Michael Gordon of The New York Times.
QUESTION: Mr. Kerry, Iranian TV also (inaudible).
MS.
HARF: No, let’s just do one at a time.
Let’s do one at a time.
Let’s go to Michael Gordon of The New York Times.
Thank you.
QUESTION: Sir, you just said they’re not merely technical issues that remain to be
threshed out, but still some policy decisions that need to be made.
What are the most important policy issues that need to be confronted before there can
be an agreement at the end of June?
And also, nothing here has been said on how Iran’s large stock of uranium is to be disposed
of, either by shipping it out of the country or dealing with it inside the country.
How will that be done?
And lastly, on sanctions, Minister Zarif said the Security Council resolutions will be suspended
or eliminated, but can you tell us some more how that will work, especially since they
could take years for Iran to address the IAEA’s concerns over PMD?
And have you assured the Iranians that the White House will be able to persuade the Congress
to revoke the sanctions it has imposed if Iran keeps its commitments?
SECRETARY KERRY: The question of the sanctions, Michael, remains one of the issues of the
timing – the exact timing and the exact process associated with it remains one of
those issues that is going to be negotiated over the course of the next three months.
The commitment is to lift the economic and financial sanctions on the occasion of what
I mentioned earlier on the nuclear side.
Beyond that, UN sanctions, others with respect to ballistic missile embargo, et cetera, those
remain for negotiation.
With respect to the question of the IAEA process, et cetera, and what happens with respect to
the stockpile, it has to either be diluted or sold on the international market, one of
the two.
So whatever excess there is with respect to that will actually be returned right into
uranium and not serve any fundamental purpose.
But the stockpile is going to have to be diluted or sold in the international marketplace,
and that is agreed upon at this point in time.
So thank you all very, very much.